From the deserts of Rajasthan to the dunes of Dubai and the corporate dens of Africa, Rakesh Wahi has weathered the vagaries of life and business. When only 23, while serving in the Indian Armed Forces, he was electrofied and almost died. That early experience taught him to chase his dreams – and fulfil them, no matter what.
Wahi, founder of the Johannesburg-based ABN Group, including CNBC Africa and FORBES AFRICA, has been a leader in media, IT, telecoms and education. Also based in Dubai as Chairman of CMA Investment Holdings, prior to moving there, Wahi had served in the Indian army for about nine years, and for distinguished services to the country in peacetime, was awarded the Vishisht Seva Medal by the President of India in 1985.
Wahi has built companies in over 22 countries, employing a little over a 1,000 people. “Extremely passionate about education”, it is his vision to set up educational centers of excellence across Africa. His first university was launched in Ghana in 2013. He is also the co-founder of Murdoch University Dubai.
Here, Wahi talks about education, innovation, and his debut book, Be A Lion, which will be unveiled at the finale of the 2016 CNBC Africa All Africa Business Leaders Awards in Johannesburg on November 11.
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<h4>What is Be A Lion about?</h4>
It’s about people and the impact they have had on me. I think this entire journey I have made is about how people have influenced me. First, on your way up, it’s your parents who are your greatest influencers as that’s where you get your identity from; and then, over a period of your lifetime, it’s the people who come into your life and make an impact, some positively, some otherwise. And that is the greatest experience you can talk about.
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<h4>You own multiple businesses; what new innovative industries are you possibly looking at?</h4>
When it comes to innovation, the key is to focus on how the world is changing and how things are going to impact our existing businesses. You have to constantly think about how your consumers are reacting to your products and services, and constantly change and that’s what innovation is about; it’s about reaching your customers in a more efficient manner.
With regard to the education sector, it’s changing rapidly. The way children consume education is very different from our time. The traditional classroom environment is changing.
Now, is learning going to be classroom-based? Are holograms going to be the future of education? Can you superimpose a teacher sitting in New York into classrooms in core campuses across the world, and have concurrent teaching?  A lot is changing.
Online is a very important aspect of where education is going, but I don’t believe that is the answer to it; I think the hybrid kind of education is what is eventually going to come around. Face-time with teachers is critical, the social engagement with peers is critical, so therefore a lot of things are going to remain constant with education, and the rest of it will evolve in terms of where technology and innovation can be used to make it more efficient.
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<h4>What are your continuing goals for education in Africa?</h4>
We are setting up centers of excellence. In West Africa, with Lancaster University, we are going to be setting up an engineering college with strong laboratory-based learning. In East Africa, our focus is energy and a vast part of it will require simulators and modern training equipment, and we will be partnering with industry to make sure we get the best of breed. We will roll out energy programs in the rest of Africa, and encourage students from across Africa, Asia and emerging markets to come to Rwanda for instance, where we are partnering with the University of Aberdeen for our energy programs.
In southern Africa, we are looking to partner with one of the Scottish universities to set up a center of excellence for health sciences, including medical and nursing colleges.
We don’t want to bring in technology from the yesteryears just because it is cheaper, or because we think Africa is still an emerging market, we want to actually leapfrog and bring in the latest technical innovations into these centers.
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<h4>CNBC Africa turns 10 next year; what are the innovations in the media business?</h4>
The entire way in which people are going to view television is changing, so are distribution channels. What remains consistent is there will always be demand for high-quality content. Our focus on creating quality content, which stays with the values of CNBC globally, is going to be one of our core competencies, but how you distribute it is going to actually evolve in the next 10 to 15 years, particularly in Africa.
The viewing habits of consumers are changing, they are no longer watching channels; they are watching programs, and able to customize their own grids. What is relevant is you will be able to watch what you want, at the time you want, in a scheduled manner.
On the one side, we have to make sure we create best and compelling content; on the other side, we partner with distribution platforms able to cater to the needs of the consumers at an affordable price.
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<h4>How welcoming is the African economy today of innovation?</h4>
At conferences and workshops, people talk about innovation, but I am not very sure they are actually geared up for it. The practical elements of bringing innovation into your workplace, whether in government or large corporates, is about a change in mindset, when you have to change processes and the way you look at things. It’s about driving change, and also, the commitment of leadership.
You do find there are some leaders in Africa bringing about that change, and the one that I would single out is President Paul Kagame, which is why Rwanda is making strides the way they are. He has the ability to visualize the future. They also have restrictions in terms of the size of the economy, but when you are hungry, you are able to adapt faster.
Kagame has brought a culture of change in his country, and it is very visible in the way you do business in Rwanda. You can set up a company in six to 24 hours if you have your documents in order. Rwanda gives you the opportunity to adapt quickly.
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<h4>How do you balance profit and philanthropy?</h4>
I think these are closely related. There have been great leaders like Mother Teresa who have devoted their time towards a cause. And she has touched the lives of our family too – she was very close to my mother, and has been to our home. But eventually, even to enable what she was doing, required money.
Over time, our own CSR and philanthropy as a family has changed. When Saloni [Wahi’s wife] and I were starting out in our life, even when we didn’t have much, we were always engaged in making a contribution towards causes.
Over the years, we found we needed to have a cause of our own, and after we set up the ABN Education Trust, we rationalized what made sense to us as a family. We focused on financial journalism, and also, on helping destitute women and the girl child, a cause Saloni is very passionate about.
Money is an important contribution but you also need to make time. Saloni and I work as a team. The heart sits with her, while I become the machinery for generating the income.
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<h4>Your most prized possession is…?</h4>
Family. I am not a material person. If I were to pack my life, I could pack it all into one suitcase.
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– Interviewed by Methil Renuka; for the full text of this interview, visit www.cnbcafrica.com; All net proceeds from the sales of Be A Lion, published by Penguin Random House, will go to charity and  the ABN Education Trust.

The Entrepreneur’s Entrepreneur

Fifty five years on and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is still haunted by the violent death of Patrice Lumumba. The first elected leader of the country came to one of the saddest ends of any leader in Africa in a tortured nation that has found peace elusive. His death; the agony of being beaten and paraded before television cameras, before being dismembered to oblivion in the bush, mirrors the intense suffering of his country.
A pan-Africanist to the core, Lumumba’s dream was a united Africa. A move that smacked of the Soviets, according to jittery foreign affairs officials at the height of the Cold War, in Washington, Brussels and London.
“We have known the atrocious sufferings of those who were imprisoned for their political opinions or religious beliefs and of those exiled in their own country. Their fate was worse than death itself. Who will forget the rifle-fire from which so many of our brothers perished, or the gaols in to which were brutally thrown those who did not want to submit to a regime of justice, oppression and exploitation which were the means the colonialists employed to dominate us?” read part of Lumumba’s famous Independence Day speech that was to prove his death warrant by convincing people in power that he should be removed.
“Had he lived, much of the violence that we see on the continent could have been prevented; and could probably have ushered in greater economic success and stability as economic liberalists would argue. Lumumba was not alone in this thinking during this period. Others who were leading this African union were: Milton Obote from Uganda, Jomo Kenyatta from Kenya, Julius Nyerere from Tanzania and Kwame Nkrumah from Ghana,” says Wendy Isaacs-Martin, the Acting Head of the Archie Mafeje Research Institute at the University of South Africa.
His death is regarded by the Belgian author, Ludo De Witte, as the most important assassination of the 20th century. After his death, the DRC descended into division and war.
“I ask you all to sink your tribal quarrels: they weaken us and may cause us to be despised abroad,” Lumumba foretold in his inauguration speech.
Many accuse the American and Belgian governments for his death, but it is likely a lot more complex that. One factor is uranium from the country’s mines that was used to manufacture the first atomic weapons used on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The US and certain European countries would not trust such strategic raw materials to someone who was leaning towards the Soviets.
Isaacs-Martin says Lumumba stands as the icon of the intellectual potential Africa possessed in post-independence years.
“Like many of his peers he represented an intellectual discourse that saw the need to create social cohesion within the continent and a national identity within their particular countries,” she says.
“He also represents something that is often forgotten in our current understanding of Africa during the Cold War. In the eventual legacy of failed and successful coups that has plagued Africa, Lumumba, in being deposed and then killed four months later, represented the epitome of Africa’s potential and how the continent was essentially robbed from establishing itself in a post-colonial and bi-polar period.”
Lumumba’s assassination was one of many: Amilcar Cabral (Guinea); Felix Moumie (Cameroon); Sylvanus Olympio (Togo).
“Their assassinations marked the beginning of demise in effective political leadership and eroded the potential foundations for African philosophical, sociological and political thought. Instead there has been a trend to support the coercive wing into political leadership that continues to prove ineffective but in the interests of existing (or potentially new) political elites and external stakeholders,” says Isaacs-Martin.
“The tensions between regional leaders that continue today represent an inability of Africans to see beyond their limited identities that have often been externally prescribed and exploited. Yet it was these very concerns that individuals such as Lumumba advocated against, focusing on advancing Africa beyond the limited thinking of resource extraction and authoritarian exploitative administrative systems.”
Lumumba’s body was never found; neither was another leader like him.

What could have been

It is just over 20 years since I journeyed to Blantyre to see a rare sight on this continent – a former head of state on trial before his own people.
The trial opened on a crisp winter’s morning, in the shadow of Mount Soche, at the High Court in Blantyre. At sundown you can watch clouds roll down the slopes of Mount Soche like a huge fluffy blanket – the people of Blantyre call it the ‘chip’ – one of the great sights of Africa.
The only thing in danger of going down on this winter’s morning, in 1995, was the remnants of a regime that had ruled Malawi for decades.
Hastings Kamuzu Banda was to stand trial for the Mwanza incident on May 18, 1983, even though he never made it to court as his lawyers deemed him too infirm.
Police caught four leading politicians, who were trying to flee Malawi, at Mwanza near the border with Tanzania. They pounded them to death with sledgehammers, put them back into their car and pushed it over a cliff to make it look like an accident. The vehicle caught on a tree and the only damage investigators found was a broken indicator light. The former president, his right hand man, John Tembo, and Cecilia Kadzamira, were charged with the killings.
Banda was one of Africa’s notorious big men – although, like most, he wasn’t very tall – who ruled with a lion’s tail fly-whisk in one hand with the other clenched in an iron fist. Under his homburg hat and three-piece English style suits, he saw himself as above his people and, like the British colonialists before him, believed his word was law. Women couldn’t wear short skirts; men with long hair and beards were shorn of their offending locks at the airport. The Jehovah’s Witnesses were killed, imprisoned and exiled, according to human rights reports.
Criticism was unwelcome, to say the least. Everyone, from journalists to poets, could be locked up without trial. In 1987, Goodluck Mhango, a veterinarian who had nothing to do with politics, was imprisoned merely because his journalist brother overseas had written an article criticizing the government. He was beaten up severely and spent more than four years behind bars.
One journalist I interviewed in Blantyre was held for more than 20 years in a cell that used to flood in the rainy season. He was diabetic and the paucity of prison food worsened this into glaucoma, sending him blind. Twenty years later, I interviewed him in freedom in his glorious garden in Blantyre that he could hear, smell, but not see. He recounted the story that got him in trouble about the former nurse from Zimbabwe, Kadzamira, who was Banda’s companion and on the state house payroll as an official hostess.
“All I did was question what an official hostess was,” says the former journalist with a smile.
I nodded my head in sympathy and wondered how difficult a letter from the editor, or a right of reply, was for the high and mighty to comprehend.
All of this madness in a country, now known as the warm heart of Africa, then known as the land where silence rules.
This silence was breaking when I first arrived in Malawi to report in January 1995, months after Banda lost elections to President Bakili Muluzi. On the way from the airport, I engaged the taxi driver in political talk – a practise a lot of journalists carry out when they hit the ground running. As we talked, he told me in Banda’s day it was difficult to start a taxi business.
“In those days, the police would be at your house asking where you got the foreign currency from to import the vehicle. In fact, if you wanted to talk politics I would have dropped you off at the side of the road!” says the driver as we hurtled into the city.
Banda, Kadzamira and Tembo were acquitted for lack of evidence. Banda died at home in bed in 1997. At least we were free to report the stories, even though, I am told, Malawi has veered back towards its cold and silent past.

The Cold Silent Heart Of Africa

Patricia de Lille has spent the vast majority of her almost four decade career in South African politics. The guiding principle of her working life has been to never use her position as a female leader to ask for special treatment.
De Lille famously exposed corruption related to the multibillion-rand arms deal in government in the year 2000, took part in the drafting of South Africa’s progressive constitution in the early 1990s and currently serves as mayor of the country’s second largest city – Cape Town.
“Women are their own worst enemies. I don’t believe in this quota stuff and asking for special dispensations just because of your gender. In politics you have to learn to play by the rules, then you assume power and once you are in, you start changing the rules,” she says. De Lille was born in Beaufort West, a small town located approximately an hour’s drive from Cape Town. Dreams of studying law were shelved after a teenage De Lille fell pregnant and she entered the workforce at a paint factory located outside her hometown. The trade union movement underway on the factory floor became an outlet of political expression and de Lille worked her way up from being a shop steward to becoming the regional secretary of the South African Chemical Workers Union.
“During this time, I embarked on a program to get more women leaders within our trade union, starting out from the shop steward position. I wanted to find out why women don’t put themselves up for elections. Everyone knows men vote for men but what I realized is that the women vote for the men as well…The first thing I had to make women realize is that we don’t need to ask for permission to take on leadership positions.”
De Lille moved on from the trade unions to join the Pan Africanist Movement in 1989 before heading up the group responsible for the constitutional negotiations ahead of South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994. She went on to join Parliament in various portfolios before founding the Independent Democratic Party in 2003 (which later merged with the Democratic Alliance in 2010).
“I set myself the target of becoming the first woman to establish a political party, contest the elections and win seats in Parliament. I did that and I hope I have opened the road for other women in the future,” she says.
De Lille’s current role of leading development in the City of Cape Town comes with challenges largely as a result of the apartheid era’s spatial planning where suburbs populated by black people were built far from the business hubs of the city – resulting in a long and expensive commute for their residents.
Cape Town’s population has expanded by 30% in the past 10 years and current data estimates residents will grow by 100,000 each year for the foreseeable future.
The swell of populace coupled with divisive city planning is placing considerable strain on existing infrastructure and this will be one of De Lille’s major tasks as she moves into her fifth year of mayoral office.
Further challenges include breaking down the common misconception that Cape Town is all about style and little substance.
“We are not just a tourist destination. We are open for business and we want the world to invest here with us,” she says.
On her leadership style, De Lille says that a career in politics is dependent on the ability to empathize, and humility – admittedly both female-biased characteristics although De Lille refuses to play the gender game when it comes to her value system.
“I have always looked up to principles and values which resonate with me. They are completely gender neutral.”
De Lille is fiercely nationalistic but also admits that the South Africa has lost its way through the 20-year transition period from the post-apartheid regime to the democratic state.
“I hope we get the leadership we deserve,” she says.
De Lille lives with her husband and children, who she credits for giving her the support she needed to pursue her political career.
“I remember someone asking my little boy many years ago whether he minded the fact that his mommy is away from home so much. He said he didn’t mind sharing his mom with the country.”
Her spare time is minimal but any weekends she has off are spent on the golf course with family and friends, as well as listening to jazz and R&amp;B music.

Nelson Mandela Commemorative Concert

‘Women Are Their Own Worst Enemies’

Aliko Dangote is an Africapitalist who has been nominated for FORBES AFRICA’s Person of the Year every year since 2011 and now he has won. The $21.6-billion entrepreneur believes in Africa forging its own future in business and is leading the way.
Heralded by some as the face of the new Nigeria, Africa’s richest man is looking beyond cement, sugar and flour – the three commodities that built his fortune – to the oil business. In April, he announced $9 billion in financing from a consortium of local and international lenders to construct a private oil refinery and fertilizer and petrochemical complex in the country. In August, he announced plans to invest $1 billion in commercial rice farming and modern rice mills. His publicly traded Dangote Cement is also grabbing new markets in Africa, with $750 million in new plants planned for Kenya and Niger.
Dangote is also cementing his position as the continent’s most generous individual after donating $1.2 billion of his personal fortune to the Dangote Foundation.
In 2014, shares from his listed companies were transferred into the foundation, which he founded in 1994 to support initiatives in education, health and youth empowerment.
The Dangote Foundation runs a cash transfer program which complements the Nigerian government’s poverty alleviation programs. It disburses small grants to poor rural women and youths who want to start small businesses. The foundation also funds the construction of university libraries and hospitals across Nigeria.
This year, Dangote also led the way in funding the fight against Ebola in West Africa. He first gave $5 million to the Nigerian government’s containment efforts and then added a further $3 million to the African Union fund to help Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone.
Dangote made his first fortune more than three decades ago when he started trading commodities with a loan from his powerful uncle. An aggressive industrialist, his company is one of the largest employers in Nigeria and has four of its 13 subsidiaries listed on the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE).
The flagship of the group, Dangote Cement, is the largest listed company in West Africa, accounting for around 30% of the NSE in terms of market capitalization. It is also the first Nigerian company to be on the Forbes Global 2000 companies list.
In 2012, Dangote Cement opened its newest cement plant, with an injection of $1 billion to boost Nigeria’s capacity by 10 million metric tons per annum (MMTPA). Strategically positioned at Nigeria’s largest economic hub in Ibese, near Lagos, the plant was expected to generate 7,000 jobs and transform the import-reliant sector into an export and revenue-generating industry.
As infrastructure has always been Nigeria’s weakness, Dangote announced in April that he was planning a $7-billion investment program for the next four years. It will focus on Nigeria’s power, petrochemical and mining sectors – a move set to position the company as an independent power producer that will supply 2GW of power to the national grid.
In 2013, the Dangote Group signed a $3.3-billion loan agreement with a consortium of banks. This was in line with plans to construct the continent’s biggest petroleum oil refinery and a petrochemical plant in Nigeria. With the refining capacity expected to reach 400,000 barrels of crude oil per day and producing a variety of fuel products from local crude resources, Nigeria would cut its volumes of imported fuel products by an astounding 50%.
In the same year, the Dangote Group launched the integrated mega sugar plantation and sugar refinery projects in seven Nigerian states.
“Our mission is to, through industrialization, reverse the historical trend of the export of foreign exchange and jobs and replace it with foreign exchange conservation and job creation,” said Dangote at the loan signing ceremony in Abuja.
FORBES AFRICA applauds his relentless drive, aggressive ambition and contribution to the continent’s economic trajectory.
<h4>What The Judges Say 
Aliko Dangote is a lion of Africa in terms of business. He is second to none when it comes to investing in Africa, not just Nigeria. He is also a capitalist with a big heart. He puts his money where his mouth is and his foundation is a step forward for a man who wants to make a difference on 
the continent.</h4>

The Lion  Of Africa

A Creative Power

Under the scorching African sun, in Sudan, a seven-year-old boy stands at attention. His fragile frame struggles to hold the AK47. The blank stare on his face betrays the atrocities he has lived through so far. At the command of his superior he runs into the bush. His mission is simple: no prisoners; kill them all. The stutter of the firing gun drowns out the screams. This is one of millions of boys who will never know what it feels like to play with Lego and toy trucks. With each passing day his hardening heart stifles a distant dream of a joyful childhood.
That boy, Emmanuel Jal, now in his thirties, has a made a career by telling his stories though music as a hip-hop artist. But the memories of death and destruction stick with him like the bullets in the chamber of an assault rifle.
“Everything I do today is mostly inspired by my past. I consider myself a soldier, but I fight with a microphone instead of an AK47. The battle that I’m fighting now is not because I am bitter; I am fighting to create change and I’m using dialogue and ideas instead of using force.”
In many ways Jal is still one of the lost children. He doesn’t know when or where he was born, but he thinks it was in the early 1980s. At the age of seven, after both his parents died, Jal went to a refugee camp in Ethiopia where he was recruited by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA).
“Just as we approached the SPLA training facility, some members jumped out of the bush and started beating us… The next day we were shown how to attack towns, make weapons, make houses for ourselves and how to cook. The training was harsh and I thought that once we had finished I was going to kill my trainer.”
When Jal was around 13 years old, the SPLA began to turn against each other. During this time, a group of them plotted their escape. The plan was to walk to a place called Waad. They thought it would take one month, but it took three. Only 16 of them survived.
Jal was taken in by a British aid worker who smuggled him into Nairobi. After her death, he was on his own again. The night terrors of his time in Sudan became worse and often left Jal on his knees. He may have left Sudan; but it never left him. Although he had dreams of being a pilot or a doctor, music was where he found peace.
In 2005, Jal released his first album Gua, meaning peace. The album focused on life as a child soldier, government corruption and the future of Africa. Although Jal’s music connected with many; it was too real for others.
“Music with a message behind it is very dangerous because you are educating the public; you are letting people know their rights… The system is scared of highly intelligent people who have more information about life because once they know, they can’t turn away.”
Jal’s music has seen him perform alongside the likes of Bob Geldof, the Soweto Gospel Choir and Josh Groban. In 2008, Jal performed in London for Nelson Mandela’s 90th birthday.
In 2008, a documentary on his life, War Child, received international praise. It was shown at various festivals including the Tribeca film festival where it won the Cadillac Audience Choice Award.
From child soldier to musician and activist, Jal has one mission. It’s highlighted in the lyrics to his song War Child: “I believe I’ve survived for a reason to tell my story to touch lives&#8230;”
Through his music he is doing just that. With the mic as his weapon, he fires words of hope for those who suffer in silence.

Tag: Leader

FORBES AFRICA SOCIAL MEDIA

The Entrepreneur’s Entrepreneur

What could have been

The Cold Silent Heart Of Africa

‘Women Are Their Own Worst Enemies’

The Lion Of Africa

A Creative Power

Music To Dull The Nightmares