South Africa is in the midst of a historic election as votes have been counted and are still being captured and finalized, with nearly 80% tallied so far. This election marks the most competitive since the country’s first democratic vote in 1994, posing a real challenge to the long-standing rule of the African National Congress (ANC).



For the first time, the ANC faces significant competition, particularly in the country’s KwaZulu-Natal province, from the newly-formed uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party led by former President Jacob Zuma, named after the armed wing of the ANC under apartheid. Despite its recent establishment, the party has experienced tremendous growth, reflecting widespread dissatisfaction with the current political landscape, with the party appearing to cannibalize votes from the ruling ANC.



This election encompasses municipal, provincial, and national ballots, raising the real possibility of coalition governments. Record levels of voter turnout have been reported, with some people queuing until midnight to cast their votes. Notably, in the run-up to the election, South Africa has experienced its longest period without loadshedding (power outage) in recent memory, providing some respite to voters and hinting at the pressing issues influencing their choices.



Chief Electoral Officer Sy Mamabolo of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) expressed satisfaction with the electoral process, stating to media at the Results Operating Center (ROC) in Johannesburg: “We are pleased with the high turnout and the smooth running of the voting process. Every citizen who made an effort to be at the voting station was given the opportunity to vote.” He emphasized the IEC’s commitment to ensuring every vote counts and maintaining the integrity of the electoral process.



Mamabolo also addressed the high turnout, noting: “Evidently, we are in for a higher turnout than we had in 2019, which is why it is the singular intention of the commission to ensure that every voter who is in the queue is given an opportunity to record their political choice.”



Despite minor delays and technical issues at some polling stations, the IEC reported no major irregularities. The country’s stagnant economic growth and high levels of corruption have fueled voter turnout and the rise of smaller parties such as Build One South Africa (BOSA) and Rise Mzansi, challenging the traditional dominance of the ANC and the Democratic Alliance (DA).



As the results continue to come in, the ANC’s majority is genuinely threatened. If coalitions become necessary, it could dramatically change the political landscape at every level of government in South Africa.



Mamabolo assured the public that the vote counting process would be both swift and accurate. “The commission is careful not to take long to get to a point where they declare results. We balance two imperatives: accuracy and speed, to ensure the country is not left in a politically tenuous situation,” he stated.



The election day (May 29) itself was not without its challenges. Long queues and occasional technical difficulties tested the patience of voters. In some areas, delays were caused by problems with voter roll machines and the late arrival of ballot papers. However, these issues did not deter South Africans from exercising their democratic rights. Voters in urban areas, particularly in Gauteng and the Western Cape, reported a late surge in turnout, keeping polling stations busy until the very last minute.



The high voter turnout is a testament to the public’s desire for change and accountability. Many South Africans have expressed frustration over the persistent issues of unemployment, crime, and corruption. This election has given voice to these concerns, with voters seeking alternatives to the status quo. The emergence of new political entities and the potential for coalition governments reflect a more dynamic and possibly fragmented political future. 



Looking ahead, the final results of this election will set the stage for South Africa’s political trajectory. Whether the ANC manages to retain its majority or is forced to form alliances, the implications will be profound. A shift in power dynamics could lead to significant policy changes and a re-evaluation of governance strategies. South Africa stands at a crossroads, with the potential for a new era of political collaboration and reform on the horizon. Mamabolo stated that results are likely to be finalized over the course of the weekend.

South Africans Await Results In National Election

South Africa’s Historic Polls: Unprecedented Voter Turnout And A Possible Turning Point In 30th Year Of Democracy

May 29 was anything but smooth sailing for the southern African nation as citizens exercised their right to vote, late into the night. The ruling African National Congress (ANC) is expected to attain below 50% for the first time since coming to power 30 years ago. As counting continues, FORBES AFRICA takes a look at the expectations and possible outcomes of the pivotal elections.



By the time ballots opened at 7AM on May 29, more than 900,000 South Africans had already cast special votes over the two previous days. There was hope that the rest – almost 27.8 million eligible voters – would follow suit.



Yet, despite months of planning, Election Day was plagued by offline systems; power outages; service delivery protests; and voting stations not opening on time. Voters were lucky if they spent an hour and a half in the queue, while some reported waiting more than nine hours to exercise their democratic right.



With mass delays causing a backlog that could have rivalled Eskom’s maintenance schedule, the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) issued an announcement that all those standing in line by 9PM on Wednesday night would still be allowed to vote despite the fact that polls were meant to close at that time. By 11PM, numerous voting stations were still open.



The IEC had anticipated voter turnout to be higher than that of the 66% reported in 2019. But even before hearing how long the process would take, many people expressed that they had no intention of making their mark.



“There is a general cynicism that has crept into the population. People see failing service delivery, divisive politics, so much corruption. It kind of creates this atmosphere of, you know, what&#8217;s the point?” explains Nicholas Lorimer, an analyst at the South African Institute of Race Relations.


<div class="wp-block-image">
<figure class="aligncenter size-full is-resized"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="1024" height="683" src="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/GettyImages-2155270757.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-62033" style="width:608px;height:auto" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/GettyImages-2155270757.jpg 1024w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/GettyImages-2155270757-300x200.jpg 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/GettyImages-2155270757-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px" /><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">The National Ballot results board at the IEC National Results Center on May 30, 2024 in Johannesburg, South Africa. (Photo by Chris McGrath/Getty Images)</figcaption></figure></div>


Lorimer is of the belief that an inspirational, charismatic leader is needed to shift perspective — but does one even exist?



“If you look at each of the big parties in South Africa, you can find something wrong with them. You kind of need someone who doesn&#8217;t have all the baggage to emerge on the scene, but no one&#8217;s managed to crack the secret to it yet.”



One of the reasons that this election is so significant is because the African National Congress (ANC) is expected to attain below 50% for the first time since coming into power 30 years ago. The expected result of 40%-45% will force the ruling party to rely on smaller parties to form a coalition.



“The country’s track record with coalitions isn’t good,” notes electoral analyst, Wayne Sussman. “We have coalitions in all three Gauteng metros and they haven&#8217;t been that stable. So, hopefully, lessons will be learned.”



Potential alliances could see parties with very different viewpoints having to band together, with some partnerships likely to be more erratic than others.



“The business community probably wants an ANC-DA (Democratic Alliance) coalition because they will view that as being stable and possibly even coming with some kind of fiscal and policy reform in a more business-friendly direction. But while that may be the sentiment, I think it&#8217;s probably a misplaced one,” says Lorimer.



“I suspect that such a coalition would quickly become volatile due to the very big differences between those two parties.”



Investors are also likely to be wary of an ANC coalition with the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) or uMkhonto weSizwe (MK), former South African President Jacob Zuma’s party, which has been open about its desire to abolish the constitution and empower traditional leaders, while the ‘red berets’ have plans to nationalize several sectors of the economy.



Overall, a coalition government could be exactly what is needed for a country that remains divided by key issues like race, service delivery, and unemployment.



“Data has suggested that, in general, South Africans are actually pretty open to the idea of a coalition government, especially between big parties,” states Lorimer.



“They like the idea of unity, of people coming together and putting aside their differences, compromise and consensus of terms and ideas.”

South Africans Go To The Polls In National Election

South Africans Await Election Results; Voting Day Fraught With Challenges

It’s 6:30 on an early winter morning. Eighty-year-old Josiah Mmutlwatse, watches a heavy police and army contingent roaming near his home. In Bekkersdal, a township south west of Johannesburg, the foggy air is filled with the smell of the previous night’s charred remains. It is election day in South Africa and the mood is tense.
On the eve of elections, the unrest in Bekkersdal resumed; with three polling stations torched by angry residents. The spontaneous violence began months before. This turbulent township, near the gold mines of the West Rand, has seen a string of unabated service delivery protests. As the elections drew closer, protests intensified with threats to disrupt the polls.
But none of this could deter pensioner Mmutlwatse, who at the crack of dawn was the first in the queue at his polling station. He has never missed an opportunity to cast his vote since the first democratic elections in 1994.
The former bus driver patiently waits for the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) personnel to erect a marquee to be used as a polling station. Thirty minutes later, he is pleased to have exercised his democratic right to elect his government.
Although his allegiance still lies with the ruling African National Congress (ANC), Mmutlwatse hopes these polls will bring some much-needed change.
“I voted for the liberation party as always – ANC. It set us free from apartheid. It is hope for our children. Since we have voted, we want the elected people, even president (Jacob) Zuma, to listen to our cries. Our votes should not be blank cheques.”
Last year, Nomvula Mokonyane, the premier of Gauteng, raised the ire of Bekkersdal residents when she said the ANC does not need the residents’ dirty votes. Mokonyane was responding to threats that they would boycott the elections if service delivery was not improved.
“I am hurt by the unrest the dissenting youth brought, some people are not appreciative of our hard-earned freedom to vote. The government has a big task ahead. It must be explained to them that our democracy did not come on a silver platter. People died for it. It is not for sale.”
Mmutlwatse has lived in the township for more than fifty years, coming from the nearby farms. He rented a backyard room for a year before he could secure a four-room home in 1950, where he still lives with his three daughters. Out of his seven children, they are the only ones still alive.
“It was the first time I felt I had some dignity. If you have a house of your own, where your children could call home, no matter the size, it is freedom.”
A lack of housing and the high rate of unemployment are challenges that the youth in the area must face, says Mmutlwatse. The majority are shack dwellers.
Though Mmutlwatse owned a house for many years, he says the ANC-led government made him feel it was really his own when he received the title deed a decade ago. But he acknowledges that Bekkersdal is a far cry from a functional area.
He knows the community inside out and in the past used his old minibus to transport people, sometimes for free. He was like a godfather to the younger generation.
“Education should be the priority here. We understand the youth is not up in arms for no reason, they are frustrated by the government’s empty promises. I watch them roaming streets. They are not at school and many are unemployed,” he says.
While Mmutlwatse remains optimistic, his community still needs some convincing.
Twenty six kilometres away in Soweto, Happy Phiri, a reformed convict turned entrepreneur, is satisfied with the progress the government has made so far.
“I could not miss this one because I value voting. It’s something many South Africans were denied for many years. I spent 14 years in prison and the time spent there robbed me of certain things, including voting,” says Phiri.
Phiri, a 48-year-old father of three, was up at 3AM, two hours earlier than usual to make sure he didn’t miss casting his vote before he went to his workshop where he manufactures candles. On this day, he had an order for a hundred candles for a Mother’s Day event at a local church.
Phiri turned his life around when he joined the non-governmental organization NICRO while incarcerated. He left Mangaung Prison in 2010, trained as a candle maker.
With three years in business, Phiri has employed three people and bought a delivery van and equipment worth almost R100,000 ($9,600).
Bekkersdal’s very own Arab Spring will not die as the elections end; a politician just has to take a stroll through the run-down streets to realize this.
<h4>Red Berets And Tears</h4>
It was a record turnout for a South African election. More than 18 million voted in a poll on May 7 that threw up more than a few surprises.
It was one of those rare elections where the big story was not how much the ruling party gained, but how much it lost. The result was never in doubt, neither was the protest vote that hundreds of thousands of disgruntled South Africans cast.
In the end, the African National Congress (ANC) stormed home losing a lot less support than many of their supporters feared. It leaves the ruling party short of the two thirds majority, which gives it greater parliamentary powers, but it virtually assures control of South Africa until at least 2019, maybe beyond. It also assures that economic policy is likely to remain with few radical measures required to recover disgruntled supporters. The word among party insiders at the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in Pretoria – the election nerve center – was that, if anything, government policy is likely to move more in favor of the free market as the money men around the world appear to have said all bets are off if there is a threat of socialism and nationalization.
Both are flaunted, like battle flags, by the young turks of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). In many ways, the EFF was the story of this election. The party was formed in October, when red bereted leader, Julius Malema, a disgruntled and belligerent former ANC loyalist, decided to give his old employers one in the eye. The idea was to take the high moral ground of socialism and power to the people that helped sweep the ANC to power in the first elections 20 years ago. It appears to have worked for the EFF, who, from a standing start gathered more than a million votes. It means Malema and 24 red bereted new menbers will sit in Parliament in Cape Town this year. It may spice up proceedings.
But the EFF may take heed of a cautionary tale from another opposition party, COPE. In 2009, COPE, also peopled by disgruntled former ANC members, garnered a stunning 1.3 million votes in its first tilt at the polls. This year, COPE got a mere 100,000 votes, less than 1%. Will EFF be able to cope in 2019?
“This isn’t the end of COPE,” says spokesman Johann Abrie. Really?
Agang – the party founded by Mamphela Ramphele and promising a new tomorrow – may rue its decision to fight the polls. It was humbled and ended up with two lousy seats.
The Democratic Alliance, taking years to shrug off its image as a white middle-class party, made more solid gains.
“We gain 3% every time around, then we cry for five years and try again,” says a DA loyalist.
That means maybe our grandchildren will witness the inauguration of the first DA president of South Africa. In a decade, or two, of power the DA too could be criticized by voters for being an out-of-touch incumbent that thinks it owns the country. Maybe?
The path of democracy was far from smooth in South Africa. There were threats and arrests in Alexandra, in Johannesburg, after fighting between rival parties. Voters in the tiny farming town of Tzaneen, in Limpopo, stormed  a voting station and damaged it. Two people were shot, one dead, in KwaZulu Natal.
Elsewhere, a ballot box was found dumped on a roadside and a school storing ballot papers was broken into. These will be investigated by the IEC as it prepares for the 2019 election.
“These remain isolated incidents that we are taking very seriously. We can all agree the process is going well and we can be proud of our nation and our democracy,” says Pansy Tlakula, the head of the IEC.

Hope Dawns After  A Night Of Flames

They call it the Ring of Fire and in the last few years it has been getting hotter. This is the ring of sporadic protests around Johannesburg. The howl of the poor on the doorstep of one of the richest cities in Africa.
Most of these protestors vote and their dissatisfaction could signal a drop in support for the ruling ANC, which has guided South Africa through its 20 years of democracy.
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The protests happen on different days, but follow the same pattern. Burning tires, rocks on the road and fighting between protestors and police. In many weeks, they are as frequent on radio as the traffic news.
The police struggle to control the unrest. Schools close their doors as demonstrators pelt police with stones and petrol bombs.
Protesters burned down two of the Independent Electoral Commission’s voter registration stations in February.
In Gauteng, the province of Johannesburg, acting commissioner Lieutenant General Lesetja Mothiba says police saw 569 protest marches since November, of which 122 were violent.
“The South African public must realize what is confronting the members [police] on a daily situation while dealing with these issues of protest marches and demonstrations. These are not petty things, these are not issues that you can say &#8216;go read a book&#8230; and it will tell you how to deal with these issues&#8217;,&#8221; he says.
Gauteng premier Nomvula Mokonyane says the slow response to service delivery protests was leading to violence. She claims that opportunists, who lost out on government tenders, fueled some of the protests.
“Protests would not have happened if government responded quicker. Where violence happens we must act,” she says.
Research on service delivery protests by the Centre for Sociological Research, at the University of Johannesburg, suggests that, despite overwhelming support for the ANC, communities are frustrated with their ward councillors and local government.
Peter Alexander, the director of the center and South African research chair for social change at the university, says 60% of South African youth are unemployed, leading to discontent.
“The protests that swept across the country are not a novel occurrence on the social and political landscape. Impoverished residents of neglected townships have been voicing their dissatisfaction with ineffective and inadequate service delivery since the ANC rise to power in 1994,” says Alexander.
The communities involved in the cluster of service delivery protests share problems and frustrations. Poverty and unemployment are high. There’s a lack of water, sewage systems, street lighting, paved roads and housing.
“Many people don’t have the full range of service delivery, and they are continuously used as voting fodder in elections. Protests are about a range of issues, dominant to them is the youth unemployment. Their frustrations cannot be interpreted merely as a sign of displeasure with service delivery. Deeper discontent with available channels for participatory democracy underlies the protesters’ anger.”
The majority of protesters support the ANC. They are unhappy with their party because they believe the promises for a better life have not been fulfilled. To make the matters worse the government doesn’t understand, says Alexander.
In November, as Bekkersdal residents, west of Johannesburg, took to the streets to demand better government services, ANC veteran Winnie Madikizela-Mandela acknowledged that conditions in the area had not changed since 1994.
ANC deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa, campaigning for elections in Kagiso township in February, denied that service delivery protests were a sign people have abandoned the ANC.
President Jacob Zuma, in the state of the nation address in February, also downplayed the gravity of the recurring service delivery protests.
“The dominant narrative in the case of the protests in South Africa has been to attribute them to alleged failures of government. However, the protests are not simply the result of failures of government, but also of the success in delivering basic services. When 95% of households have access to water, the 5% who still need to be provided for feel they cannot wait a moment longer.”
Africa Check, a non-profit organization that promotes accuracy in public debate and the South African media, found that the figure differs between provinces. The president does not clearly define what he means by access to water, the most recent census claims that access is defined as either being inside a household, garden, or a communal tap in the street. Zuma’s claim does not speak of the quality of water—2.4% of Gauteng households said their water smelled bad in a 2012 household survey by Statistics South Africa. Nationally, 60% of households rated the quality of their water-related services as good.
Proof, that it all depends on which side of the protest you are shouting from.

Tag: Independent Electoral Commission

FORBES AFRICA SOCIAL MEDIA

South Africa’s Historic Polls: Unprecedented Voter Turnout And A Possible Turning Point In 30th Year Of Democracy

South Africans Await Election Results; Voting Day Fraught With Challenges

Hope Dawns After A Night Of Flames

Burning Ire In The Ring Of Fire