After Joe Biden expressed optimism about his prospects of winning the election during remarks in Wilmington, Delaware, President Trump fired off a tweet in which he falsely claimed votes were being “cast after the polls closed” and accused the Democratic nominee of trying to “steal” the election—a baseless accusation that the president has floated for weeks—and Twitter flagged the tweet for spreading misinformation about the election.



<h4 class="wp-block-heading">KEY FACTS</h4>



“We are up BIG, but they are trying to STEAL the Election,” Trump wrote in a tweet without proof, adding “Votes cannot be cast after the Polls are closed!”



<figure class="wp-block-embed-twitter wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-twitter"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper">
https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1323864823680126977?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1323864823680126977%7Ctwgr%5Eshare_3&#038;ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fembedly.forbes.com%2Fwidgets%2Fmedia.html%3Ftype%3Dtext2Fhtmlkey%3Dcfc0fb0733504c77aa4a6ac07caaffc7schema%3Dtwitterurl%3Dhttps3A%2F%2Ftwitter.com%2Frealdonaldtrump%2Fstatus%2F1323864823680126977image%3D
</div></figure>



Twitter slapped a label on the tweet, saying some of the “content shared in this Tweet is disputed and might be misleading about an election or other civic process.”



Facebook followed suit, placing a label on Trump’s tweet that did not comment on the content of the president’s message but did remind users that the results are not final.



<figure class="wp-block-embed-twitter wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-twitter"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">And now an update. Facebook&#39;s label has now changed. It makes no comment about the content of Trump&#39;s post but suggests that the results are not final. <a href="https://t.co/EWw4guUAL0">pic.twitter.com/EWw4guUAL0</a>&mdash; Ryan Mac🙃 (@RMac18) <a href="https://twitter.com/RMac18/status/1323872220821643265?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 4, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
</div></figure>



For weeks, Trump has laid the groundwork to object to results of the election he doesn’t like, and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/09/23/916221894/trump-says-he-expect-election-results-to-end-up-at-supreme-court" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">refused</a>&nbsp;repeatedly to commit to a peaceful transfer of power.



The president has also repeatedly argued the results of the election must be known on election night, and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/11/01/930140373/fact-check-trump-falsely-claims-that-votes-shouldnt-be-counted-after-election-da" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">falsely claimed</a>&nbsp;&#8220;that&#8217;s the way it&#8217;s been and that&#8217;s the way it should be.&#8221;



Trump put out the tweet after Biden&nbsp;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/andrewsolender/2020/11/04/it-aint-over-till-every-vote-is-counted-biden-says-hes-on-track-to-win-rejects-trumps-victory-declaration/">told</a>&nbsp;a crowd in Wilmington, Delaware that he felt confident about the election results, saying, &#8220;We believe we&#8217;re on track to win this election.&#8221;



<h4 class="wp-block-heading">KEY BACKGROUND</h4>



There is no evidence votes were cast after the polls closed in any state, as the president baselessly claimed. Many states&nbsp;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/jackbrewster/2020/11/02/when-well-know-what-on-election-day-a-guide-to-poll-closing-times-vote-counting-procedures-and-the-states-to-watch/">accept ballots</a>&nbsp;postmarked on or before Election Day to account for mail delays.



<h4 class="wp-block-heading">WHAT TO WATCH FOR</h4>



Biden currently&nbsp;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/andrewsolender/2020/11/04/electoral-college-2020-trump-takes-florida-biden-wins-minnesota-most-swing-states-too-close-to-call/?sh=2900329f14cd">leads</a>&nbsp;Trump in the electoral college vote 223 to 174, with several key battlegrounds not yet projected, including Arizona, Nevada, Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Georgia.



<h4 class="wp-block-heading">SURPRISING FACT</h4>



Historian Michael Beschloss notes we did not know the winner on election night during six presidential elections since 1960.



<figure class="wp-block-embed-twitter wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-twitter"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">We did not know Presidential winner for certain before midnight on election nights in 1960, 1968, 1976, 2000, 2004, 2016. No one should pretend there would be anything historically unusual if that happens again in 2020.&mdash; Michael Beschloss (@BeschlossDC) <a href="https://twitter.com/BeschlossDC/status/1322993565199380491?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 1, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
</div></figure>



<h4 class="wp-block-heading">FURTHER READING</h4>



<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/andrewsolender/2020/11/04/it-aint-over-till-every-vote-is-counted-biden-says-hes-on-track-to-win-rejects-trumps-victory-declaration/?sh=15d523062258">‘It Ain’t Over Till Every Vote Is Counted’: Biden Says He’s ‘On Track’ To Win, Rejects Trump’s Victory Declaration</a>&nbsp;(Forbes)



<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/andrewsolender/2020/11/04/electoral-college-2020-trump-takes-florida-biden-wins-minnesota-most-swing-states-too-close-to-call/?sh=15dcb314cd61">Electoral College 2020: Trump Takes Florida, Biden Wins Minnesota, Most Swing States Too Close To Call </a>(Forbes)



-By Jack Brewster, Forbes Staff

President Donald Trump Holds Election Night Event At The White House

Twitter Flags Trump Tweet Baselessly Accusing Biden Of Trying To ‘Steal The Election’

After years of hints, Kanye West formally announced he is running for president this year in a challenge to Trump, who he once supported, and Democratic rival Joe Biden, winning support from his friend and Tesla CEO Elon Musk.



KEY FACTS



<ul><li>Rounding off his Fourth of July, West <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/kanyewest/status/1279575273365594112?s=20" target="_blank">tweeted</a> on Saturday night: “We must now realize the promise of America by trusting God, unifying our vision and building our future. I am running for president of the United States! #2020VISION.”</li></ul>



<ul><li>Musk<a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1279577069005897728?s=20" target="_blank"> tweeted</a> in response: “You have my full support!”</li></ul>



<ul><li>Wife Kim Kardashian also publicly pledged her support, retweeting West’s statement and adding a U.S. flag <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/KimKardashian/status/1279597399380332544?s=20" target="_blank">emoji</a>.</li></ul>



<ul><li>West’s announcement follows years of hints that he would run for office this year which he later postponed to 2024, after publicly declaring at a Fast Company event in 2019: “When I run for president in 2024&#8230;We would create so many jobs! I’m not going to run, I’m going to walk.”</li></ul>



<ul><li>But the rapper, who recently <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/pamdanziger/2020/06/28/kanye-west-gives-gap-a-ten-year-lifeline-with-yeezy-partnership-and-gets-what-he-always-wanted/#3db3d12e3dde">inked</a> a 10-year deal with Gap through his Yeezy brand, is reportedly yet to file any paperwork to get on state election ballots, while he has missed the deadline for states including Texas, New York, and Indiana.</li></ul>



<ul><li>It is not known how serious West’s intentions are this time around, however, he still has time to <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://ballotpedia.org/Important_dates_in_the_2020_presidential_race" target="_blank">file</a> as an independent candidate across most states, according to Ballotpedia.</li></ul>



<ul><li>West’s declaration was met with skepticism on social media, while some commentators pointed out that it could work out in Trump’s favour.</li></ul>



<figure class="wp-block-embed-twitter wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-twitter"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">Kanye West went from endorsing Trump to claiming he’d run against him —an announcement that benefits the president to the degree it spotlights Biden’s need for black voters &amp; his potential weakness with young voters <a href="https://t.co/0m4PUO6s6a">https://t.co/0m4PUO6s6a</a>&mdash; Marc Caputo (@MarcACaputo) <a href="https://twitter.com/MarcACaputo/status/1279589464491376642?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 5, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
</div></figure>



<figure class="wp-block-embed-twitter wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-twitter"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">Kanye West isn’t really gonna run for President, but his next album will be called Presidential Dropout&mdash; David Gardner (@byDavidGardner) <a href="https://twitter.com/byDavidGardner/status/1279585706432659457?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 5, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
</div></figure>



KEY BACKGROUND



West’s declaration suggests the rapper is looking to cement political ambitions he has expressed throughout Trump’s presidency. West previously forged alliances with Trump, and was pictured in the Oval Office in 2018 wearing a signature Trump ‘Make America Great Again’ cap. He once called the president his “brother” and previously hit back at criticism towards his support for Trump, likening the backlash to racial discrimination. Although he says he didn’t vote in 2016, West later said he “would have voted for Trump”, and earlier this year doubled down, suggesting he would vote for him in November. But that could very well change given Saturday’s announcement.



<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="594" height="456" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/gettyimages-1059657306-594x594-1.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-46417" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/gettyimages-1059657306-594x594-1.jpg 594w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/gettyimages-1059657306-594x594-1-300x230.jpg 300w" sizes="(max-width: 594px) 100vw, 594px" /><figcaption>American rapper and producer Kanye West embraces real estate developer and US President Donald Trump in the White House&#8217;s Oval Office, Washington DC, October 11, 2018. West wears a red baseball cap that reads &#8216;Make America Great Again,&#8217; Trump&#8217;s campaign slogan. (Photo by Ron Sachs/Consolidated News Pictures/Getty Images)</figcaption></figure>



TANGENT



West and Musk were <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/kanyewest/status/1278353774671802369?s=20" target="_blank">pictured together</a> on July 1st, with West tweeting: “When you go to your boys [sic] house and you’re both wearing orange.”



<figure class="wp-block-embed-twitter wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-twitter"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">When you go to your boys house and you’re both wearing orange 🍊 <a href="https://t.co/IyPOdEKaVY">pic.twitter.com/IyPOdEKaVY</a>&mdash; ye (@kanyewest) <a href="https://twitter.com/kanyewest/status/1278353774671802369?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 1, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
</div></figure>



&#8211;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/isabeltogoh/">Isabel Togoh</a>, Forbes Staff, <a href="https://www.forbes.com/business">Business</a>

gettyimages-475561248-594×594

Elon Musk, Kim Kardashian Endorse Kanye West Running For President

FORBES AFRICA’s photojournalists immortalize the tension and elation of the South African elections in May that saw the African National Congress win for the sixth time since 1994.



<hr class="wp-block-separator"/>



In what was a landmark 25 years since the first democratic
elections, South Africa registered, voted and elected the African National
Congress (ANC) for the sixth time to govern the nation again for the next five
years. The 2019 elections saw many surprises and plenty more political action
compared to the previous polls.



&nbsp;In the run-up to
election day, political parties (48 in all) emphasized the country’s
socio-economic challenges such as unemployment, education, housing and the
contentious issue of land expropriation. &nbsp;



On May 8, the day the country cast its vote, voters woke
early to congregate and line up at the 22,924 voting stations strewn across the
country. 



<div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="410" height="556" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40745" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png.png 410w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png-300x407.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png-221x300.png 221w" sizes="(max-width: 410px) 100vw, 410px" /><figcaption> FORBES AFRICA’s photojournalists immortalize the tension and elation of the South African elections in May that saw the African National Congress win for the sixth time since 1994. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla</figcaption></figure></div>



I was among them, a citizen also doubling as a
photojournalist on the quest to document this historic election, my camera
strapped around my neck and my constant companion.&nbsp; 



This Wednesday morning was particularly cold but voters were
in sweaters and armed with their identity books to have a say in South African
politics with an ‘X’ mark on the ballot paper. 



Mmusi Maimane, the leader of the opposition party, the
Democratic Alliance (DA), was among those at the Presbyterian Church in
Dobsonville, Soweto; the township where he was born.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="929" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40741" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png.png 929w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 929px) 100vw, 929px" /><figcaption> Mmusi Maimane, the leader of the opposition party, the Democratic Alliance. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



His arrival created a frenzy as international and local
media wrestled with each other for the perfect shot. 



After casting his vote and walking out of the church, he
addressed the public. 



“On such a historic day, it is important to vote in Soweto
with the people of Soweto to express hope and a future for our country. Soweto,
to me, represents the home of where the struggle is and now we’re entering into
a new struggle for jobs for many South Africans. I remember, vividly and well,
when I played in these streets and I remember too well the release of Nelson
Mandela, therefore today, I urge that we come and cast our votes,” Maimane
said.



He spoke about the new struggle.



“To me, there could be nothing more special, nothing more
historic than being able to express our future. Vote for the future of this
country and for the unemployed South Africans; it’s a new struggle and we are
fighting for the protection of freedom and advancement of freedom.”&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 



Post the election results, Maimane was the first DA leader
to not have grown more supporters, whereas the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF),
with the third highest number of votes, gained more in all South African
provinces except the Northern Cape. 



A few kilometers from Dobsonville is Mzimhlophe Hostel. A
hostel among many others in Soweto that erupted with service delivery protests
prior to the elections. On election day, it was more peaceful and locals were
going about their daily lives.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="923" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40742" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png.png 923w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png-300x201.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png-600x401.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png-768x513.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 923px) 100vw, 923px" /><figcaption>Kwenzi Gwala standing outside what is left of his shack. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



In the same vicinity is a squatter camp (informal
settlement) allegedly set on fire weeks before the elections. 



Residents and brothers Mduduzi (32) and Kwenzi Gwala (22)
came to Johannesburg looking for employment.



“This is my first time voting this year; I wish the economy
could strengthen so we can move out of the squatter camps and live in houses.
Our camp burned around the Easter holidays while we were at church. We used to
sell African beer and our stock got burned along with the money and clothes
that were inside. All we have is what we are wearing now,” Kwenzi says. 



About 12 kilometers away was where national president and
president of the ANC Cyril Ramaphosa cast his vote in his hometown of Chiawelo,
at a local primary school. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="925" height="615" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40743" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png.png 925w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png-600x399.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png-768x511.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 925px) 100vw, 925px" /><figcaption> National president and president of the ANC Cyril Ramaphosa cast his vote in his hometown of Chiawelo. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



The supporters of various parties, the media and voters were
out in full force to witness their president in Soweto.



“The nation and the people are energized. They can see their
votes are heralding a new dawn. This is a vote that reminds me of 1994 when the
people were just as excited as this because they were heralding a new period, a
new future for our country,” said Ramaphosa. 



“Today, this is what I am picking up, our people are excited
about what lies tomorrow and they want to vote for a government that is going
to serve them, that is going to address their needs and aspirations. So, I am
truly humbled by the turnout that I’ve seen here. 



“There is a great vibe and it’s a vibe for democracy, it’s a
vote also for our democratic system that we’ve been building over the last 25
years. So, 25 years later, we still have a nation that is breathing confidence
and excitement casting their vote. Today, I will go home to sleep very peacefully
like I did last night. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="929" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40744" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png.png 929w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 929px) 100vw, 929px" /><figcaption>Brother of South African journalist Shiraaz Mohamed, kidnapped in Syria on January 2017, begs for government intervention. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



“This vote is about confidence, it is about the future and
it is about us that are going to be elected to work a lot harder, much harder
than we have in the past to realize the ideals, wishes and hopes of our people,
so this, to me, is like a rocket booster for democracy and we are going to
build a great country because we will be doing so standing on the shoulders of
our people,” Ramaphosa said. 



Like the DA, the ANC lost more supporters nationally; Gauteng province was the gold prize, for the first time since 1999, the ANC had to battle to remain above 50% to secure the province.



&#8211;Motlabana Monnakgotla







<h2 class="wp-block-heading">Thumbs Up In&nbsp; Vibrant
Yeoville</h2>



The grey, gloomy weather did not dampen the excitement as
South African citizens, young and old, made their way to their respective
voting booths on May 8. 



First-time voters enthusiastically posted images of their
thumbs on social media after their turn polling. Twenty five years
post-apartheid, they did what voters in 1994 could not – flaunt their inky
fingers to the world.&nbsp; 



This year marked the sixth democratic elections since the
fall of racial segregation.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="931" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40752" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1.png 931w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1-768x509.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 931px) 100vw, 931px" /><figcaption> Members of South Africa&#8217;s three biggest parties show unity during the South Africa 2019 elections. Picture: Gypseenia Lion</figcaption></figure>



When former President Nelson Mandela’s handcuffs were
removed, a nation was freed from years of brutal laws that marginalized people
of color in South Africa. 



As a young ‘colored’ woman born in 1995, there’s another
layer to my identity as a ‘born-free’ citizen. 



I use the terms ‘colored’ and ‘born-free’ loosely, only
because of the numerous socio-cultural connotations attached to my identity. 



<div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="410" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40747" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png.png 410w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png-300x451.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png-199x300.png 199w" sizes="(max-width: 410px) 100vw, 410px" /><figcaption> The South African flag could be seen everywhere during the 2019 South Africa elections. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure></div>



On May 8, I joined the scores of people from the lively Yeoville
suburb, once a cosmopolitan source of pride, but now largely associated with
crime and discord in Johannesburg. 



As a lone female photojournalist in one of the notorious
parts of the inner city, I found myself in the cold with a groveling stomach,
and without a cent to my name. 



The 1970s had seen Yeoville come alive as night clubs and
art and music galleries opened up along the neighbourhood’s main commercial
strip of Rocky Raleigh Street. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="926" height="616" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40748" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png.png 926w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png-300x200.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png-600x399.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png-768x511.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 926px) 100vw, 926px" /><figcaption> Police officer survey elections in Yeoville. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



This was before the tightening of segregation policies. Under
apartheid, members of the community were strong supporters of the ANC and
mobilized around the organization when it had been officially banned. 



ANC stalwart Joe Slovo has his political roots in the
community. 



Yeoville’s political scene, just like the culture, was one
of the most vibrant in South Africa in the 1980s. 



It still is today, and on election day, it was even more
apparent as the top three contesting parties gathered outside the Yeoville
Recreation Center. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="926" height="618" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40749" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png.png 926w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png-300x200.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png-600x400.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png-768x513.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 926px) 100vw, 926px" /><figcaption> A man who identifies as a feminist gets ready to cast his vote. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



The ANC, EFF and the DA were set up in front of the voting
station.&nbsp; 



The corner was filled with people singing and dancing to
struggle songs. 



Laughter and playful disputes broke out between party
members, and when a passer-by showed concern, an ANC comrade responded with a
trite: “We are a family here, no one is fighting.”&nbsp; 



As voting came to an end, light peeked through the clouds,
even as the crowd continued to sing, this time, more enthusiastically. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="925" height="614" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40750" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png.png 925w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 925px) 100vw, 925px" /><figcaption> The Yeoville community showed unrivalled hospitality and fed the reporter. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



The light, for them, was the ray of hope that their ‘X’
marks brought. 



On this day, there was no crime or chaos. The community
showed me unrivalled hospitality and fed me the whole day. 



Water, a chair or anything I needed for comfort was only a
request away. 



My camera loved them and they returned the love. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="927" height="613" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40751" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png.png 927w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png-300x198.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png-600x397.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png-768x508.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 927px) 100vw, 927px" /><figcaption> Yeoville residents get ready to cast their votes. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



The future is questionable but for the people of Yeoville,
tomorrow is just another day filled with struggle. 



I returned to the office with a full stomach and a newfound love for a place I was initially apprehensive about.



-Gypseenia Lion

IN PICTURES | Looking Back At The Vibe Of The South African Elections

Ahead of the May elections in South Africa, the country’s Minister of Public Service &amp; Administration, Ayanda Dlodlo, gives her take on simplifying government processes and ensuring public services are available for all on digital platforms.



<hr class="wp-block-separator"/>



What do you have on the cards for this year?



It’s a very short year because we are going to elections,
but the major plan for me now is finalizing the Public Administration
Management Act regulations; so that we can fully implement on that piece of
legislation. The second one that is important for me is a fully functional
government employee housing scheme. If I can do that by the time we go to
elections, I will be very happy. It is not an election thing, it’s just that we
all do not know where we are going to be after the elections, so I am pushing
hard to ensure that even when I do leave, that is what I would have done and
completed as a minister in my time.



What are some of the opportunities that lie within a digitized government?



We have many processes in government that if digitized could
be much simpler. The dissemination of information, for instance. If we
vigorously work towards fully implementing on our vision of a government portal
where citizens can access any information on government that they need on a
single portal — that is a digitized government that would have been able to
provide people easy access to information. For instance, we launched the Z83
Application Form, the e-recruitment strategy and it’s much cheaper if they use
the internet to apply for jobs online. There are quite a few things we are
looking at as government to ensure services are brought to our people on
digital platforms so that they can access them even easier. 



What are some of the developments with the enrolment scheme and how is it affecting employment rates in South Africa?



We have a large youth contingent that is unemployed but,
more so, those that have graduated return home to the rural areas with a
university qualification but can’t access any employment opportunities… You
could be the only one in your family who has ever gone to university… What does
that say to people around you?&#8230; So we are doing away with the two years’
experience for certain categories of jobs. But also… we will put in place
training programs, mentorship and clear programs to monitor and evaluate the
growth of that individual and the job they will be occupying. 



What are some of the developments regarding the public sector wage bill?



We are seeing an increase in the wage bill because of the
agreement that is in place. But we are trying to ensure that we do not go
beyond what we had agreed upon with labor. But, what we have done in the
process is that we have introduced regulation six of the Public Service Act
where we are allowing people, between the ages of 55 and 59, from April 1 to
the end of September, to exit the system without incurring any penalties. The
reason we are doing this is because we want to bring young people into
government but, over and above that, we are trying to deal with the runaway
wage bill.



With the upcoming elections, where do you see the public sentiment laying? 



I see the African National Congress (ANC) at the very least
getting 62%. Because if you go by what your polling says, it changes from week
to week and that is dependent on what is topical in that week or on that day.



How important will these elections be in shaping the country’s future?



To me, they will be very important because it is the 25th
year of democracy… With all its (the ANC) flaws, with all its inadequacies, we
have to change the face of our country. 



It is difficult to bring wholesale change, in a 25-year
period, to a system that has been in existence for more than 400 years. It will
take much longer than that. And as society progresses and goal posts change, it
will become difficult. But for any government that is going to come, they will
never be able to do what we have done in the last 25 years.&nbsp;

Ayanda2

‘Difficult To Bring Wholesale Change’

It has been argued by many that the 2019 general election is going to be a watershed election. In other words, it is going to be the most competitive election since the advent of democracy in 1994. 



While this assumption may have been closer to reality before the resignation of Jacob Zuma as president of the Republic of South Africa in February 2018, I would not be surprised if the performance of the African National Congress (ANC) defied these expectations. 



For me, the irony is that it is Cyril Ramaphosa, one of the weakest leaders in the history of the ANC, who may pull the ruling party away from the electoral calamity Zuma’s ignominious presidency would have inflicted on the ANC, had it survived beyond 2018. 



A further irony lies in the fact that Ramaphosa is not only a lame-duck ANC leader who cannot govern without the consent of his opponents in the ruling party, but is also the head of a ‘new dawn’ project that has, to a large degree, become the ‘new yawn.’ 



READ MORE | <a href="https://www.forbesafrica.com/opinion/2019/04/27/over-the-rainbow-25-years-of-freedom-for-south-africa/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label="Over The Rainbow: 25 Years Of Freedom For South Africa (opens in a new tab)">Over The Rainbow: 25 Years Of Freedom For South Africa</a>



Contrary to expectations, the election of Ramaphosa as president of both party and country has not alleviated the image crisis of the ANC. In some ways, the gap between the ideals of the ANC and what the party has become is wider despite the (sometimes bellicose) calls and promises of unity and self-correction by many a party leader. 



At leadership level, the ANC remains divided and factionalized. Evidence that is being led in the different commissions of inquiry paints a picture of a former liberation movement whose members and leaders have become quite adept at things venal and corrupt. 



The ANC has become a metaphor for rent-seeking, state capture and the poor service delivery of the local state. 



In short, because of the state of the ruling party, the ANC should be trounced in these elections. Given the hollowness and shallowness of the alternatives, the ANC will suffer contractions in electoral support but will not lose power at national level. 



Put differently, notwithstanding the gap between the procedural and substantive aspects of our democracy, the levels of substantive uncertainty in our electoral politics will improve but will remain relatively low. 



In other words, despite the gap between what our constitution’s promises, on the one hand, and what our democracy actually delivers, on the other, the contractions the ANC will suffer in the May 8 elections will probably be felt more at provincial level than at national level. Why?



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote">First, according to recent polls, Ramaphosa’s approval rating, which is at about 55%, is not only higher than that of the ruling party but is also higher than that of the leaders of the main opposition parties. </blockquote>



This means that, despite the dismal state of qualitative decline of the ruling party at a leadership, intellectual, moral and strategic level, and despite Ramaphosa’s own subjective weaknesses as a leader, his approval rating will pull the ANC up. 



What will save the ANC, therefore, is the fact that its internal crisis is a subset of the broader crisis in our politics. 



Therefore, in addition to the Ramaphosa factor, the ANC will be saved from significant shifts in electoral support by the generalized crisis in our politics as well as the credibility deficit that has become one of the defining features of the political class of our country. In this regard, the state of opposition politics is instructive. 



A cursory look at the state of the official opposition, the Democratic Alliance (DA), tells the story of a party that is at sixes and sevens. The sociology and political economy of race in South Africa remains an unshakable albatross around the necks of the DA and its first black leader, Mmusi Maimane. 



Many, if not most, black voters still regard the DA as a racist party of whiteness, white capital and white interests. Objectively, it may not be true that the DA is a party of white minority interests. 



What matters, though, in electoral politics are the subjective perceptions of voters. As long as black voters continue to see the DA as a white party, the inroads the party makes into the traditional support base of the ANC will not be enough to dislodge the ANC as the ruling party. 



In my view, the DA is not a white party. It is a majority black party of white minority interests. 



Despite the fact that, under the tutelage of its former leader, Helen Zille, it succeeded in increasing its black membership and support, I still maintain that racism is not a dynamic that is completely external to the party. 



READ MORE | <a href="https://www.forbesafrica.com/focus/2019/02/10/the-claim-that-democracy-fares-better-in-the-west-than-in-africa-is-a-fallacy/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label="The Claim That Democracy Fares Better in the West Than in Africa Is a Fallacy (opens in a new tab)">The Claim That Democracy Fares Better in the West Than in Africa Is a Fallacy</a>



Also, I still contend that its ambivalence towards policy measures such as Black Economic Empowerment, affirmative action, land reform and employment equity despite the fact that, rhetorically, it now accepts that race remains a key indicator and predictor of disadvantage in South Africa, is a function of its colonial and paternalistic mindset. 



In addition, the DA will continue to perform below the levels desired by its leaders as long as black voters continue to regard Maimane as a puppet of white interests. 



I don’t share the view that Maimane is a puppet but do believe that there are too many in the party who see themselves as ventriloquists because of the colonial and paternalistic mindset of their whiteness, which I allude to above. 



My expectation, therefore, is that the DA is not going to breach the 30% threshold of which it has been desirous for some time. In fact, it will probably improve on its 2014 performance but may not reach 25%. 



If this happens, Maimane will be removed as party leader before or at the next Federal Congress of the party because of his failure to preside effectively over the DA’s internal racial policy and ideological tensions. If the black caucus of the party remains strong, Maimane will be succeeded by a black leader. 



Otherwise, his successor will be a white man. On the other hand, if the turnout of ANC voters is critically low and a sizable number of those who turn up vote for the DA and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), this scenario may not eventuate. 



Will the EFF benefit from the DA’s divisions at a racial, ideological and policy level?



The tragedy of South African politics is that it still does not have a political culture of strong opposition and the alternation of power between political parties despite the plurality of choices available to voters. 



By so saying, I am not aligning myself with the narrow and conservative conceptions of democratic consolidation which liberal democratic theorists always try to impose on the intended beneficiaries or victims of western modernity outside Europe and America. 



All I am saying is that single party dominance has been part of South African politics since 1948. The National Party was the ruling party from 1948 until 1994, and the ANC has been in power since 1994. The ANC will be in power, probably with a reduced majority, after the May 8 general election. 



The EFF will probably do better at provincial than at national level. We must not rule out the possibility that the ANC may lose power in Gauteng. Its own internal research suggests that it will fall below 50% in this province if it does not mount a serious effort. 



In the scenario, the EFF will be part of a coalition government in Gauteng because no party is likely to win an outright majority. Whether the ANC will be part of such a coalition government, in this scenario, will depend on the size of its relative majority if it does win such a majority. 



The EFF will put up a strong challenge in the North West province where it has strong support, and ANC support is dwindling. 



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote">Therefore, we cannot rule out the possibility that the EFF, on its own, or together with other parties, will dislodge the ANC in this province. </blockquote>



In the Limpopo Province, where, as is the case in the North West, the EFF is the official opposition, it will either dislodge or come very close to dislodging the ANC as the ruling party. 



At national level, the EFF has a problem. Its messaging resonate with many in the ANC support base. The problem is that the majority of voters do not believe the EFF is fit to govern. Therefore, I expect the EFF to improve on the 6% it garnered in 2014 and settle just below, or above, 10%.



Will this election deliver change? If it does, it will not do so significantly. Ramaphosa’s subjective weaknesses and limitations as a leader will show up much more strongly after the general election. His inability to make tough choices will become more apparent, with his disciples describing him as the consummate player of ‘the long game’. He will still not be able to govern without the consent of his opponents in the ANC.



-Aubrey Matshiqi is a Financial Mail rated political analyst for the second year in a row. He is also one of South Africa’s most in-demand speakers on the subject of the political state of the nation. 



-Opinions expressed by Forbes Africa contributors are their own Ticking the right boxes: Will the elections come down to the wire?

Ballot box with national flag on background – South Africa

Ticking The Right Boxes: Will The South African Elections Come Down To The Wire?

South Africa survived colonialism followed by apartheid, and
most recently, a new pandemic, HIV/AIDS. While we are living through the
aftermath of the old order, the words often attributed to Italian philosopher,
Antonio Gramsci, could not be truer: “The old is dying and the new struggles to
be born. Now is the time of monsters.”



The dragons we need to slay are clear. We have unacceptably
high levels of poverty, youth unemployment, child illiteracy and nutritional
stunting. All of which are systematically undermining the next generation’s
ability to enjoy freedom. 



That said, these are but the more visible aspects of our
life together. There are others – the more subtle, social dimensions. 



In 2019, non-racialism – the bedrock of the new South Africa
– struggles to find relevance in the public imagination in light of the
disillusionment many experience in the new political dispensation. It remains
devoid of substantial weight and consequence.



Its original purveyors did not theorize it or write about it
extensively, making it all the more elusive. What we do know is that race is a
social construct and that it has no biological grounding. While it does not
exist in a scientific sense, race has profound political, social and economic
implications. And it continues to be an undeniable fault-line within South
Africa. 



What is clear is that non-racialism does not mean
not-seeing-race-ness. In this lesser sense, it mimics the American notion of a
post-racial society. It is based on the myth that 1994 symbolized a tabula rasa
– a blank page. But 25 years later, the past haunts us. 



<div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" width="387" height="594" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/gettyimages-144859349-594x594-2.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-40401" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/gettyimages-144859349-594x594-2.jpg 387w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/gettyimages-144859349-594x594-2-300x460.jpg 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/gettyimages-144859349-594x594-2-195x300.jpg 195w" sizes="(max-width: 387px) 100vw, 387px" /><figcaption>Mural depicting 1st election in new South Africa, 1994 opposite Parliament, Cape Town, Western Cape (Photo by Hoberman Collection/UIG via Getty Images)</figcaption></figure></div>



In our public life, we often find ourselves in a
rinse-and-repeat cycle in which an offensive action is followed by public uproar
and reactive debates. In this polarizing space, the spotlight remains on rabid
racists, leaving implicit and internalized anti-black racism unchecked – both
of which affect most South Africans.



Political entrepreneurs – understanding the wounds we carry
as a nation – capitalize on the moments of uproar by playing on these
incidents. What happens in the context of the misuse of our racialized
experiences is that well-meaning citizens opt to shun any references to race in
order to maintain respectability. This tempts us to see race talk as
unproductive rhetoric, and not as a useful language to name our experiences
with one another in this country.



In our public life, talk about the past has similarly been
weaponised. Our history is either denied or it is deployed to delegitimize, to
silence, and to condone the inexcusable. But it is exactly in this moment that
we need more robust and critical engagement with our histories and their
effects in the present – not less.



When we actually grapple with the historical records, the
findings are chequered. History refuses to simply serve as a pass or a trump
card. It is far too unruly and intricate to merely be functional. History
demands to be reckoned with as a way of understanding the processes that led to
the present. A more accurate way of understanding it is as an unfinished story.
It has no end and it implicates us all. 



A way we can begin to participate in the unfolding of our
history is to infuse non-racialism with substance. We need a larger project
that rigorously surfaces our experiences at the coalface of the color line.
Scholars in the social sciences and the humanities as well as fiction writers
have no doubt begun this theorising labor, and their work has to make its way
into the mainstream. The process of naming the thousands of experiences we have
with each other can begin to inform our imagination about what it means to
simultaneously be inclusive, rooted in Africa and released from Europe’s orbit.



The project of naming our experiences for ourselves is an
act of power. In fact, the true might of colonialism and apartheid lay not in
their arsenal but in their ability to name us, define our borders, to codify
our laws, and thus, frame our self-imagination. 



In this moment, as South Africa reaches the quarter of a
century mark, it is imperative that we take a fresh look at the past. Not
merely as a story of victory, but as an incomplete struggle. At 25, all South
Africans need to join the struggle, knowing that aluta continua and that the
country we inherited in 



1994 is ours to continually liberate. 



We are part of the same cast of characters in history’s
production of South Africa, and we are on the stage now. 



– Dr Sebabatso Manoeli is a historian and non-profit professional. She serves as an Innovation Director at the DG Murray Trust. Previously, she was a History Lecturer at the University of Oxford, and at Stanford University’s Montag Center for Overseas Studies. She consulted for the African Union Commission’s Department of Political Affairs and the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation on transitional justice, as well as the African Peer Review Mechanism.

gettyimages-50598988-594×594

Over The Rainbow: 25 Years Of Freedom For South Africa

The date has been set for the much-anticipated Zimbabwe general elections: July 30. This will be the first time, in 38 years, the southern African nation will cast its ballot without former President Robert Mugabe on the candidate list.
“We are very excited for these elections because finally we can cast our votes with high hopes they will count,” says Zibusiso Zonke, a Zimbabwean living in South Africa.
It all began when Emmerson Mnangagwa, Mugabe’s former right-hand man, surprised Zimbabwe, and the world, last year, when he orchestrated the resignation of Mugabe, one of Africa’s longest-serving leaders.
Mnangagwa, also known as ‘crocodile’ for his politically cunning ways, took over as President of the ruling party, Zanu PF, thereby becoming the president of the country. He hopes voters will trust his leadership and vote for him to lead Zimbabwe to its former economic glory.
On the other hand, the country’s major opposition party, MDC-T, for the first time, will be led by Nelson Chamisa who took over as head of the party when its founder, Morgan Tsvangirai, died February 14. 
The shocking fact is 133 parties will be contesting for President, MPs and councillor positions. This is also a first.
“I think this is symptomatic of an economy no longer employing people. People think if they get into politics, they might end up in parliament or government meaning they would have a job. I don’t think many of these people have particular conviction; they are just looking for employment. Most of these parties disappear after the elections,” says Mordecai Mahlangu, partner at Gill, Godlonton &amp; Gerrans, an alliance firm of Norton Rose Fulbright.
Some Zimbabweans say they are unsure who to vote for. The ‘crocodile’ they know or 40-year-old Chamisa.
“Look, not that I&#8217;m for Emmerson Mnangagwa, but this is my problem, for Zimbabwe to re-emerge we will need the international community. Besides economic mismanagement, our problems have been due to that we had become a pariah state. Mugabe had severed many of our international relationships with his banter and behaviour. Now, we have Emmerson Mnangagwa whom the international community is engaging quickly. On the other hand, we have Chamisa whom the international community is already questioning…Morgan Tsvangirai was loved by the international community, Chamisa is being ridiculed instead and he is the source of that problem. Who do I then vote for?” asks Zimbabwean lawyer Tichaona Moyo.
<blockquote>&#8220;It&#8217;s a new system which has not been tried in this country&#8230;&#8221;</blockquote>
Moyo admits he used to be a big fan of MDC-T but now believes the party has become elitist.
“In the party, there aren’t many students, workers, and farmers anymore. The very labor movement which spearheaded its formation has been abandoned. So, l have to ask myself whose interest will such an outfit serve? Which constituent outfit does such an outfit care about?”
This is a debate among many. Lungile Mlambo says he is most likely to vote for MDC-T but worries because when Zanu PF was causing the destruction of the country, MDC-T was there and complacent.
“For me, Chamisa and Emmerson Mnangagwa are on the same footing. The former from an opposition party which has failed and the latter from a ruling party which has failed,” he says.
Over the years, there have been rumors Mugabe and Zanu PF stole the last two elections as they were rigged and people were threatened and abused into voting for the ruling party. So is this election going to be any different?
“The first thing is to debate the likelihood of a free and fair election&#8230; The concerns are the integrity of the system itself. It’s a new system which has not been tried in this country and we don’t know how it will turn out,” says Mahlangu.
It is Mahlangu’s opinion that if the election is free and fair, MDC-T might surprise the ruling party by winning.
“I get the sense that if the trend we are observing is anything to go by, the opposition might just surprise the ruling party. We have had 37 years of unhappiness. People attributed that to the ruling party. If the ruling party has been responsible for all these years of difficulty, why would anyone freely vote for them?”
The jury is out until August 4, when the winner will be announced.

Zimbabweans Welcome Military Intervention

Who Will Zimbabwe Vote For?

Globally, it is a rarity for courts to nullify presidential election results; in Africa this was totally outlandish – that is until the Supreme Court in Kenya on September 1, 2017 annulled the re-election of Uhuru Kenyatta.
The shock that followed the Supreme Court verdict reverberated across Africa and is unlikely to die anytime soon, especially in Kenya where successive general elections have been dogged by concern of vote rigging and political instability, as highlighted by the violence that followed a disputed 2007 election when more than 1,200 people were killed.
“The Supreme Court decision for a repeat of the presidential election means Kenyans have an opportunity to truly elect a leader through the ballot  as per the Constitution and without manipulation of votes,” says John Mwandu, a political analyst in Nairobi.
The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) has tentatively scheduled the rematch between President Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga for October 17, 2017.
But as campaigns for the new election got underway, the fear of violence that has characterized recent Kenyan elections has only intensified as both sides rallied their supporters.
“While one could understand the initial euphoria and outrage that greeted the ruling, sobriety should have taken over as the dust settled and the reality of the ruling sunk in. However, each day has brought a new barrage of threats, insults, half-truths and ethnic slurs that do not augur well for a peaceful outcome in six weeks,” Gabriel Dolan, a Catholic priest based in Kenya’s second-largest city of Mombasa said in a commentary.
“In fact, the country appears to be more polarized now than before last month’s general election,” he added.
Kenyatta’s campaigns for the new elections have dwelled on bashing the Supreme Court for allegedly going against the will of the majority by nullifying the August 18, 2017 election results in which he was declared the winner by a margin of 1.4 million votes against rival Odinga.
Just hours after the Supreme Court handed its decision, Kenyatta called the Chief Justice David Maraga, and the three other judges who supported the verdict, crooks. His successive campaigns have since taken on a similar pose of hard-stance politics and personal attacks both against the Judiciary and Odinga. Kenyatta has repeatedly called his rival a witch doctor, a perennial loser and one full of riddles.
Odinga has too adopted a similar fashion of campaigns and regularly made personal attacks against Kenyatta. The veteran opposition leader, for instance, accused the president of making a televized national address while drunk. He also called Kenyatta a thief who should be languishing in jail for stealing elections.
“It is unfortunate that the campaign messages have turned personal and animosity is getting to a fever pitch among the supporters of both candidates. It is no longer about policies but hate speech and insults which is dangerous as the country goes back to elections. There may be violence at the end of it all,” says Mwandu.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/politics/2017/09/05/kenyas-supreme-court-given-impossible-deadline-repeat-election/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">READ MORE: Kenya&#8217;s Supreme Court has given an impossible deadline for the repeat election</a>
Hate speech from supporters of Kenyatta and Odinga have spread to social media, where some of them openly insulted and threatened each other.
Analysts say the Supreme Court verdict offers an opportunity to streamline Kenya’s electoral system that has been synonymous with systemic cheating.
“What the ruling did was put temporary brakes on the rollercoaster of impunity that has characterized almost every election in Kenya,” wrote Rasna Warah in a column in Kenya’s largest newspaper, Daily Nation.
“The ruling may not end impunity in Kenya’s electoral processes but it will have a far-reaching psychological impact on the citizens, who have been led to believe that peace is synonymous with justice,” she added.
In 2013, Odinga filed a case in the Supreme Court against Kenyatta’s election but it was thrown out on technicalities – leaving many suspicious over the conduct of the IEBC. Dissatisfied with the court decision, the opposition held a series of demonstrations that forced the disbandment of the commission ahead of this year’s elections.
But, with the radical court action, this time there is hope of laying bare the activities of the IEBC and restore legitimacy to Kenya’s elections.
“If there have been crooks manipulating voting outcomes in Kenya then things may be different going forward because the Supreme Court has proved impunity and blatant disregard of the law is punishable,” says Mweni Matheka, a governance researcher.
Other sovereign institutions, including the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), the Office of the Auditor-General and the IEBC itself, may want to borrow a leaf from the Supreme Court and assert their independence.
All these institutions have been subject to political pressures, especially when their work went against the whims of the government.
Just after the August 8 polls, Leader of Government Business in Parliament, Aden Duale, declared that the ruling coalition would use its majority in Parliament to oust Auditor-General Edward Ouko whose office has had run-ins with the executive over explosive audit reports that showed theft and misuse of public funds.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/politics/2017/08/11/kenyas-2017-poll-palpable-tension-progress-status-quo/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">READ MORE: Kenya&#8217;s 2017 poll: palpable tension between progress and the status quo</a>
The IEBC has not been spared the heat from both the executive and the opposition, especially after the bungled polls. Both sides have demanded to have a say in the composition of the IEBC team that will manage the repeat polls.
But in separate letters to the ruling Jubilee coalition Secretary-General Raphael Tuju and the opposition National Super Alliance Co-Principal Musalia Mudavadi, IEBC Chairman Wafula Chebukati on September 6 said the commission reserved the right to make changes without being directed by any of the political groups.
“Please note that the commission is an independent constitutional body, which as per Article 249 of the Constitution shall not be subject to direction or control by any person or authority,” Chebukati said in his letter to Tuju.
“It is therefore unacceptable for you to provide a list of staff that you direct us not to consider for the project team.”
The business community looks forward to conclusion of the elections to restore normalcy in the economy. The Kenya National Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KNCCI) estimates that the country’s economy has lost Sh21.3 billion ($210 million) since the Supreme Court ruling, as investors adopted a wait-and-see attitude. &#8211; Written by Allan Akombo

‘There May Be Violence At The End Of It All’

Kenya is rallying behind Ambassador Dr Amina Mohamed to be the next Chairperson of the African Union (AU) Commission, and Africa has warmly received her nomination. Elections were set to be held on January 31.
With a stellar diplomatic career of over three decades, Mohamed, a Kenyan, is known as an excellent strategist with proven negotiation and managerial skills, having demonstrated solid leadership in every domestic and international post she has held.
She is the serving Chair of the 10th World Trade Organization (WTO) Ministerial Conference which is the topmost decision-making body of the WTO.
Mohamed rose through the ranks in Kenya’s diplomatic service from legal advisor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Kenya’s Missions to Geneva and New York, to the highest level of Ambassador/Permanent Representative, Kenya Mission, to the United Nations (UN) in Geneva from 2000 to 2006.
She served as Director, Europe and the Commonwealth and Director Diaspora from 2006 to 2007 and was Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Justice, National Cohesion and Constitutional Affairs in 2008.
In July 2011, she joined the UN as Assistant Secretary General and Deputy Executive Director of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) based in Nairobi.
In April 2013, she was appointed by Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta as Cabinet Secretary (Minister) for Foreign Affairs and International Trade of Kenya.
Weeks before the AU Commission elections, Mohamed spoke to CNBC Africa. Excerpts from the interview:
Q: You’ve had many firsts as a woman in leadership in Africa; just walk us through your journey?
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A: The first time I did something that I guess laid the road-map for whatever else came after was when I was elected to chair the International Organization for Migration Conference which is a council for migration. At that time, Kenya was actually the only African country that was a member of the International Organization for Migration. And when I was approached, I told them that the only reason I would agree to be put up as a candidate for the chairmanship would be if they would open up the organization for Africa, and would be able to attract more countries into the organization.
So we reached an understanding and I chaired it and during my chairmanship, that one year, I brought in a few African countries, and the rest is actually history, because now I think the largest group of countries that are members of the IOM are African countries, and from then on, I think in especially the kind of job that we do as ambassadors, you are called upon to show your commitment to the continent by agreeing to chair different bodies.
And so I was fortunate, I was privileged that the African group in the cities that I served in saw it fit to elect me over and over again, and so it’s something that I enjoyed doing, I was committed to doing and I think the record is not a bad one.
Q: You are now running to be chairperson of the AU Commission, tell us about the drive behind this decision?
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A: Kenya has put up my candidateship for the position of Chairman of the African Union Commission. Why am I running? I think we have a lot of value that we can bring to the table; we are also at a good time in the history of this continent. The first thing that comes to mind is the framework that we have. We have a framework that was agreed on by all African countries that needs a faithful implementer to put in place.
It’s a framework called Agenda 2063, for inclusive growth and sustainable development and it has a number of amazing aspirations for the continent. I think it’s actually time for East Africa because of the track record we have also set as a community, as an East African Community in what we have done.
We created a model for others to emulate and so there’s just a feeling that it was time for us to run for this position and I would be a good candidate for that because again I can bring people together, I have never come across a challenge that cannot be resolved, I look at challenges actually as opportunities. And I believe that we all know what we need as a continent to move us forward. One should look at the leaps we have made.
We are a young continent, we have done amazing things, we – many of us – have come up with new constitutions, constitutions that are based on our own realities, not on realities that come from elsewhere, also we look at our own specificities, our own individualities as countries.
For us as a continent, it’s actually excellent that we have such a young population.
It’s a young population that’s creative and innovative that are drivers of the economy and they are also the future and the present and therefore whatever they do, they know what they would like to put in place, for themselves and for their own children and for posterity I guess.
So we actually are in a situation where we can lead and not follow, because the problem is ours, the challenge is ours and it’s a wonderful opportunity to use, to propel the continent to the greatest possible heights.
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Q: Briefly take us through what an AU Commission led by you will focus on, looking at the challenges Africa is facing…
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A: I think industrialization, without any doubt. It is the only one that has the ability to reduce poverty, create the jobs that we need and to move the continent [forward]. And I think following that, trade, because trade brings us together, which is a unifier if you like.
We need to make sure that our infrastructure, whether it’s land, sea or air, is seamless. It doesn’t take a day, it’s a process but we need to get on with it. We need to remove the obstacles that are low-lying fruit… they can be removed easily.
One of those is allowing the easier movement of people, business people, of capital, services and goods. There is no reason why Kenya should import; and I am using as an example, if we did not have the dairy sector and we needed butter, milk or cheese, there is no reason why we should import that from 10,000 miles away; if we can just go across the border, into the next country and import from our neighbors.
The only reason why that has been difficult is because of the infrastructure deficit that we are faced with and we need to address that and address it quickly.
In this country we have tried to do it, in the region we have tried to do it with the SGR, with the road infrastructure that we have put in place, with the modernization with the port that has been done over the last few years, with the modernization of our airport, so those are the things we need to do across the continent so that our young people can move from one country to another, bring ideas, bring creativity, bring innovation, but also find jobs.
So apart from industrialization, and obviously there you have to address the infrastructure deficit, trade and the need to trade amongst ourselves; the intra-Africa trade is at 13%, and there is no reason for that. It should actually be at least at 30%; we should, eventually have 60% of trade within the continent.
This is where the population is, this is where the fastest growing middle-class is, and obviously with that, you have a consumer market, so this is where most of the trading should actually take place.
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Q: The outgoing AU Commission chairperson Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma has been very vocal about peace and security. Share with us your vision…
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A: She’s also been very passionate about agriculture, because agriculture has the ability to transform communities and societies very quickly and there’s a need therefore again as a reason of the youth to make agriculture trendy and productive for the youth.
But you know you cannot undertake development unless you actually have a peaceful, stable and predictable environment. You must have peace and security, without it you can’t have growth.
And so it’s been actually a rallying call of Madam Zuma, to silence the guns and we’ve agreed that we would try to do that at least by 2020, if we can’t do it sooner. I believe that if we all came together and are always committed as she is, we should be able to do that before the 2020 deadline.
Africa does not manufacture ammunition except for a few countries. Africa is resolving most of its conflicts and there are very few countries today, of the 54, that are still engulfed in conflict, in fact there are probably less than five that are engulfed in active conflict, and therefore we are at a place where we should be talking about a peaceful Africa, a secure Africa, a growing Africa, a resilient Africa.
So it’s one of the priorities. We actually addressed most of the issues that were connected to decolonization, that peace and security became a big issue and we started addressing it.
I think if we are focused we can actually deal with it, it’s been successful in the majority of countries and of course there will be hiccups, back and forth, but I think a majority of the countries have gone beyond the stage where conflict is a daily affair, so we need to continue working on it and I think we should be able to get it done.
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Q: What’s your vision on
driving governance?
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A: We have a very comprehensive and all-inclusive agenda. And that is also an issue that is in our Agenda 2063; we are more transparent, we are more open. Again, we are a young continent, the youth is very demanding, we are involving more and more people in leadership – apart from the youth, the women that are coming in jobs now.
So I think today Africa is at a better place, in terms of the rule of law, in terms of governance than it has ever been, and I think the only way forward is to keep improving that.
And as I said before, we [Kenya] enacted our constitution in 2010. Immediately after its enactment – I was in Justice, Permanent Secretary there – we got a dozen requests from countries that wanted to come and look at our constitution and see whether there was anything they could borrow from there that would fit their own circumstances. Because at the end of the day, the instrument is only as good as its implementation.
And you will only implement something that you are really comfortable with, and so the whole purpose of coming to study and look at what we are doing is, ‘will this fit into my own circumstance, is it something I can do now, is it something that can be delayed a bit’.
As you know, our own constitution had transitional clauses, what we needed to do now, what we could a little later; some of the provisions could only actually be fully implemented in five years, six years, and 10 years. So we had actually time periods in the constitution for implementation of different provisions.
So I think it’s the same everywhere, but the governance situation on the continent is better than it’s ever been and I know it’s going to continue improving.
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Q: Your bid has been warmly
accepted across a good number of countries, over 25 African countries. What are your expectations as we head towards January 2017?
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A: We are campaigning, I was told by one of our leaders that campaigns are personal, you must ask for a vote and that if you don’t ask for a vote, even your own brother can vote against you, so we are going across the continent asking everybody for their support and trying of course to obviously convince them that we have a good candidate. They have been very receptive, very warmly received, wonderful arrangements put in place for us… we are encouraged by the reception and the support that seems to be coming across as well.
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– Gitonga is a news producer at CNBC Africa and interviewed Mohamed at the CNBC Africa studios in Nairobi in November, Kenya; for the full text of the interview, visit
www.cnbcafrica.com.

‘Our Strength Lies In Coming Together’

As political unrest rattles one of the world’s biggest minerals producers, foreign investors in the Democratic Republic Congo (DRC) are in a quandary – to stay or pull out?
Peter Leon is a Johannesburg-based mining specialist who helps clients with mine development agreements and resources regulatory issues in Africa.
“It is now clear that President (Joseph) Kabila is stalling in terms of the next presidential and parliamentary elections, now only scheduled for April 2018. Given the concern this has created locally, foreign investors in the DRC obviously have to see how this develops. It is unclear what will happen next and what pressure the EU and the US will bring to bear on the Kabila administration given that the election will be 14 months late. There is growing dissatisfaction, in particular in Kinshasa, as to what is happening, as seen in the recent opposition protests. Uncertainty is never good for investment in any country,” says Leon, a lawyer at Herbert Smith Freehills.
“A lot of South African businesses are involved in various activities in the DRC. A lot of minerals in DRC are exported through South African ports so logistics are a key business for South African companies. The current situation is obviously challenging, but it doesn’t surprise me companies are still there and continue to do business as long as they are able to do so. Obviously if the situation becomes untenable, they will review their position. The fact remains that the DRC is still a good place to do business,” he says.
Thierry Naweji, the chairman of the DRC Chamber of Commerce in South Africa, maintains there’s no threat to business.
“Every country has its own dynamics… we are going through challenges in the DRC based on election organization. I have to advise people to remain in the DRC because it going to be difficult to go back. Do your investment very wisely. This challenge is going to be behind us,” says Naweji.
“There was a budget allocation of $250 million per year for elections, put aside since 2011, so that they can reach a budget of $1 billion after five years. We had a war in the east region of the country. Here we are, looking for a political solution how to get out of the situation,” he says.
According to Naweji, the head of electoral commission, Corneile Nangaa, has said there will be no election in November due to a lack of money. The election is more likely to be held in December 2018, he says.
“The general feeling is not that good for the business at all. They are concerned because we haven’t seen a clear direction yet, whether we are going to have elections in November or not,” says Naweji.
Naweji admits business stability has been shaken; the markets reacted negatively to violence last year. As a result, many investors have not allocated budgets for their operations in the DRC next year, he says.
“Many South African companies on our list don’t know what will happen next year in DRC, so they can’t put in money into DRC. Mining is the biggest concern; we had Glencore suspending mining concessions late last year.”
Naweji is hopeful this too shall pass.
Nqubeko Sibiya, the spokesman for KPMG in South Africa, says companies are not suspending operations, they are monitoring security issues, especially for expatriates. He said feedback from their senior partner in the DRC, Jean-Yves Parant, confirmed smooth operations.
Siobhan McCarthy, of PPC Cement, says the companying is building a million-ton–per-year plant in Kinshasa.
“The plant remains on track to be commissioned by the end of 2016, with cement ready for sale early in 2017,” she says.
Simon Malone is a DRC veteran and retired founder of Metorex, a mining consortium founded in 1975 in South Africa. In 2004, Metorex entered into a joint venture to develop the Ruashi copper mine site in the DRC, and made substantial investments.
“It will be sad day for business if something happens, because the DRC has the world’s best copper deposits but doing business there is so difficult that proposed tax hikes for mining companies will stifle new investments,” he says.
Malone says besides exorbitant taxes, he is confident of the work ethic and the good faith of trade unions.
For now, it’s over to the legislatures to set a date for the elections.

The Angry  Wait

Regardless of whether Hillary Clinton becomes the next president of the United States (US) or not, women are slowly but steadily taking up political power.
The numbers of women leaders are still relatively low – only one-tenth of all leaders of the United Nation’s 193 member states are women and Clinton would be only the 19th female to currently govern her country. Research shows that over 60 of 142 countries have had women leaders at some point over the past 50 years, although most have held power for less than four years. Recent figures from UN Women also show that only 17% of government ministers are women, with most of their portfolios relating to social issues. And only two countries have a female majority in Parliament – Rwanda and Bolivia – although many countries have reached the one-third mark.
Clearly, there is still a long way to go. But here in the US, findings by the Pew Research Centre show that most women believe that whether Clinton achieves her second run for the presidency or not, a woman will be president at some point in their lifetime. According to one CNN poll, eight of 10 Americans think the country is ready for a woman president, but only one third think it’s a priority. Younger American women, it seems, take for granted the growing role of women in positions of power – both in government and business.
Among Clinton’s many detractors are those who would like to see a woman president but don’t necessarily believe she is the right woman for the job. Others are more appreciative of how much has changed since women first got the vote in 1920 (black women from the South faced voting hurdles until the 1960s), and are impatient to see Clinton in the White House as another important milestone on the path towards gender equality.
“When any barrier falls in America, it clears the way for everyone,” Clinton said when accepting the Democratic nomination for president in Philadelphia in July. A woman in the White House, she said, would be “another step in our journey as a nation”. She also said that her election would give “other women and girls the hope that, whatever their goals, they can achieve them in this country”.
Some political observers believe that when Barack Obama felled the race barrier by becoming the first black president of the US in 2008, the sense of urgency around getting rid of the gender barrier by appointing a woman president dissipated. Clinton has also struggled to overcome deep unpopularity among many voters – both men and women. Her alliance with big business has left many working class voters feeling that she does not have their best interests at heart.
That said, the blatant sexism shown by her rival, Republican nominee Donald Trump, has shined a bright light on the status of women in the country.
When Trump accused Clinton of playing the “woman card”, her quick online reply was seen as a boost for her campaign.
“If fighting for women’s healthcare and paid family leave and equal pay is playing the ‘woman card’, then deal me in,” she said. In no time, a plastic “support Clinton woman card” became another must-have accessory for her supporters.
Trump’s glamorous daughter Ivanka, a powerful businesswoman in her own right, has tried to cast her father’s macho politics in a more woman-friendly light. When she introduced him at the Republican convention in Cleveland, also in July, she listed a host of Democratic-sounding, pro-women policies on childcare and family leave that she said her father would introduce, even though none of these policies are on the Republican agenda.
Clinton’s daughter Chelsea, similarly, has tried to show Clinton’s softer, more human side, describing her as her “wonderful, kind, thoughtful, hilarious mother” when she introduced her at the Democratic convention.
The friendship between Ivanka and Chelsea is much in the media spotlight. Both are powerful, accomplished young women who have made the most of their highly privileged backgrounds. Despite a bitterly-fought election campaign and the obvious rancor between their parents, their friendship supposedly endures. “I’m not running for public office, and neither is she, so of course we’re still friends,” Ivanka said in one interview.
Ivanka is vice president of her father’s real estate empire, the Trump Organization, and Chelsea is vice chair of the multi-million dollar Clinton Foundation. One of them will play a pivotal role in the new presidency. And, whatever the election outcome, both these young mothers are likely to be highly-influential individuals – whether in business or politics – in the years to come. The same could apply to Obama’s two young girls, Malia and Sasha, who will come of age in an era where race and gender won’t be the obstacles they once were.
Elsewhere in the world, progress on narrowing the gender gap in political leadership is being made. Women are at the helm in powerful countries like Germany and the United Kingdom. Although none of the frontrunners for the next United Nations Secretary General are women, it is still possible that a female could land the top diplomatic post. Former New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark, who is head of the world’s largest humanitarian agency, the UN Development Program, is a formidable leader who has her hat in the ring.
At the recent Social Good Summit in New York, Clark discussed the role of women in political power with another former woman president, Malawi’s Joyce Banda. Speaking to Barkha Dutt, an award-winning Indian television journalist, the two former state leaders shared their wisdom and advice for other women eying political office. They pointed out that many other countries have made more progress than the US in this regard, with Dutt reminding the audience that in Asian countries like India and Bangladesh women, have held office for years.
Clark, who campaigned in a climate where bumper stickers like “Ditch the Bitch” prevailed, said women in pursuit of political leadership had to brace themselves for many obstacles.
“Don’t accept people are going to roll out the red carpet for you. You have to roll out the red carpet yourself and kick the door down.”
Clark said women had to “turn a deaf ear to all the frankly misogynist things that are said about you. Everyone will have an opinion on how you look, how you dress, whether your teeth are crooked. You just have to look straight ahead, put your earplugs in and say I believe I can do this,” Clark said. On the UN Secretary General position she said she believed she had the right profile for the job. “So I’m standing my ground and saying I’m available.”
Banda, who walked out of an abusive marriage before becoming a leading politician and president of Malawi from 2012-14, said she did so at a time “when you didn’t walk out – especially in Africa”. Banda said she strongly believed that more African women had to become leaders. “Number one, because we have been leaders before. If you look into the history of the world before colonization we were already queens and leaders; we were leading our nations,” she told the audience. She also said it was crucial to support other women in their pursuit of top political jobs and not “dropping the ladder once we’ve arrived”, as former South African First Lady Zanele Mbeki once put it.
While Dutt wondered why so many successful women seem to feel the need to apologize for their ambition, Banda said she believed African women could benefit from a softer, more diplomatic approach or they would lose the battle before it had even begun. “Do I want to be shouting and antagonizing the people who need to open the way for me? That is the decision that we African women have to make.”
Banda, who herself lobbied for gay rights, recalled the time in 1995 when Clinton said that “women’s rights are human rights and human rights are women’s rights”. At the time, Banda said she thought Clinton was “out of her mind”.
“I didn’t think I would see in my lifetime a time when everyone would accept that women’s rights are human rights”, but Clinton was right ahead of her time, and that time has arrived.

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From  The White House To The World

Our cover for April 2012, Herman Mashaba, has swapped his entrepreneurial hat for politics and has taken over one of Africa’s most important cities – Johannesburg.
In November last year, Mashaba told FORBES AFRICA he wasn’t interested in politics, within weeks , he changed his mind and started running for mayor, when South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma sacked Finance Minister Nhlanhla Nene and sent the country’s market into a nosedive.
“It was the final nail in the coffin for me. I could no longer live with myself to watch my country being captured and destroyed,” he says.
Mashaba, Founder of Black Like Me, was elected as mayor after defeating former mayor Parks Tau, in the local municipal elections, with 144 votes – a case of close but no cigar for Tau who received 125 votes. This was as a shocking and humiliating blow to the ruling African National Congress.
Mashaba, who handed over the responsibility of running his business to his wife, has shifted his focus to his duty as a full-time public servant.
Top of his to-do-list is creating jobs, fighting corruption and bringing basic services to people.
For Mashaba, being an armchair critic was no longer an option.
“I have always believed in personal shaping of my life. I will never allow people with unknown agendas to distract me from exercising my rights and doing things I have to do. Our country deserves a better leadership,” he says.
In 2012, our headline for him was Capitalist Crusader; he loved it so much that he made it the title of his latest book.
A month before, in March 2012, Sipho Nkosi was featured on the cover of FORBES AFRICA. It seems life has just begun, at the age of 62, for Nkosi, who retired from Exxaro Resources, a coal mining company he helped build.
“After eight years in the company, it made sense for me to grow and allow other people with great ideas to take over,” says Nkosi.
Before he retired, and when the unstable currency and commodity markets presented risks, Exxaro had to retrench almost half of their workers. It was a tough time, says Nkosi.
“The business shrunk and I learned that when you’re doing well in business people love you, but when you are in crises they see you as a useless manager. I had to allow another person to rebuild the organization.”
Even though he retired and sold his shares at Exxaro, Nkosi is still a director at Sanlam and council member at the University of the Witwatersrand. He says only death will stop him from working.
He started his own organization, Talent10.
“We look at the challenges the mining industry has. We also want to build resources, such that we are able to get into for example,  enterprise development, to get into things like social interventions that we want to get into, and  to tap into technology because other countries beat us when it comes to technology.”
Mashaba and Nkosi are still proving they have what it takes to grace the cover of FORBES AFRICA.

Where Are They Now?

Elections in Africa are not child’s play; if you run out of luck, you can pay with your life. This was true of Zambia’s Mapenzi Chibulu, an 18-year-old female opposition activist shot dead on the streets of Lusaka by police in political turmoil.
On July 9, in broad daylight, and a month before she was expected to join millions in voting for the next president, Chibulu lost her life. It forced the electoral body, the Electoral Commission of Zambia, to suspend campaigns for 10 days in Zambia’s capital.
As if the political turmoil was not enough, the copper producing country has done little to allay fears of investors, bearing hard currency, over a country that has struggled to diversify from mining.
The country, celebrating 52 years this year, is in turmoil as incumbent President Edgar Lungu, who has been in power for a year, is battling to stop opposition leader, Hichilema Hakainde, from wresting power. Lungu came in after President Michael Sata died in office. Hakainde is a businessman and a British-educated economist.
The two will face each other in a watershed election of August 11. Whatever the outcome, this election will be contested; whoever loses will claim electoral fraud after polls.
“For 50 years our nation has lived with peace, stability and freedom. There is no place for this type of violence in our society. I take a firm stance against any sort of violence in our democracy,” Lungu said in a statement.
To his opponents, his words ring hollow in the light of Chibulu’s death.
Political analysts say the electoral landscape, in the run up to the polls, has been punctuated by skirmishes between the ruling Patriotic Front and the opposition United Party for National Development.
“This comes as no surprise and we have been warning for months now that the political climate in Zambia was not conducive to free and fair elections and that the country risked losing its democratic reputation if authorities allowed this to continue,” says Gary van Staden, Senior Political Analyst at NKC African Economists.
“While the decision to suspend campaigning is a negative development, it at least provides some breathing space for authorities and political parties to put in place concrete measures to help take off the pressure that has been building over months now and threatens the credibility of the poll. The suspension of campaigning is the lesser of two evils but it remains an evil and any attempt to extend the suspensions will be unacceptable.”
While the election will pass, the challenges facing Zambia will not. Economists warn that politicians should not make it worse.
Herryman Moono, an economist from Economics Association of Zambia, says the unfolding political developments, marred by violence and government pressure on private media, has created political tension.
“The excessive use of force by the Zambia police, who are on record of cancelling opposition party rallies and recently the use of live ammunition leading to the killing of an opposition party supporter, while injuring others, is raising concerns about the security of the nation as we approach elections,” says Moono.
“These developments are creating anxiety among the local and international community. Should these continue, Zambia will slowly be perceived as a risky investment destination which has a strong and negative bearing on foreign direct investment in the short to medium term. An elevated risk profile arising from electoral violence can easily lead to subdued economic growth as investments – both local and international – dwindle.”
Moono adds that, beyond a damaged reputation and being a low grade investment destination, the Zambian currency would, in the midst of an electoral crisis, negatively affect the Zambian Kwacha which has been extremely volatile and poor-performing the past few years.
Thato Motaung, Associate Executive Director at the African Democratic Institute, says, to date, Zambia has experienced fairly peaceful and successful transitions of power; showing a promising trait of embracing the democratic will of the people.
“The key issues facing the build-up to Zambia’s election are mostly rooted in this insecurity. There is a large vocal citizenry, vigorous independent media, paired with a well-organized opposition; a combination that leaders often perceive as threatening. Hence we see the iron fist emerge in raids, police brutality and censorship in an attempt to pacify the perceived threat.”
On August 11, we will know who will take the reins.

The Price We Pay for democracy

Finally, Nigeria’s ministerial list is out. The four-month-long search for the country’s “impeccable characters” with outstanding records of achievements in business, politics and society came to a quiet end at the end of September.
Senate President Bukola Saraki read out the names of President Muhammadu Buhari’s 21 nominees, the first batch of nominations, for the Senate’s consideration, on October 6.
Constitutionally, the president could end up making more than 2,000 appointments over the next four years of his administration, all things being equal. Every decision, every appointment a Nigerian president makes is subjected to constitutional, political, religious and ethnic scrutiny.
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After a year-long season of political campaigns and elections that left the economy largely unattended to by the Goodluck Jonathan administration, Buhari’s decision not to appoint cabinet ministers in the early days of his administration was a hugely unpopular move.
Nigerians therefore realized very early on that this was going to be a new kind of president.
“Nigeria must first put new rules of conduct and good governance in place,” Buhari told Nigeria’s Guardian newspaper in July.
“Integrity and experience will be central to President Buhari’s actions and decisions,” Babatunde Kwame Ogala, a lawyer and chieftain of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) party told FORBES AFRICA. “Beyond the need for a few political compromises here and there, you can see that the president is not someone that can be tele-guided by anyone or any interest group. He’s got a totally independent mindset.”
By delaying and downplaying appointments, the Nigerian leader was not only consolidating his hold on power, he was clearly hoping to replace the profligate culture of the past with a new political ethos. Previous presidents had used these appointments to settle political IOUs, compensating cronies, party chieftains and political sponsors. Consequently, the onerous task of nation building wasn’t always left in the hands of the most capable citizens.
This time around, the Abuja rumor mill was abuzz right after Buhari’s inauguration in May with tales of ministerial nominees failing the president’s integrity test. A glimpse of the first batch of ministerial nominees for Team Buhari reveals what political scientists always said about politics – a game of constantly shifting interests and horse trading.
On the Nigerian leader’s ministerial list were five former state governors, namely, Rotimi Amaechi, Babatunde Fashola, Chris Ngige, Kayode Fayemi and Ogbonnaya Onu; a former national chairman of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); former state commissioners; seasoned technocrats and the current head of the national oil company. The president didn’t assign portfolios to his list.
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Also on Buhari’s list is Chief Audu Ogbeh, 68, chairman of the PDP between 2001 and 2005. Appointed Minister of Communications in 1982, and later Minister of Steel Development, his term of office was truncated by Buhari’s military coup in 1983.
Another nominee, Emmanuel Kachikwu, was in August appointed group managing director of state oil company, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). He is a former executive vice-chairman of ExxonMobil Africa. Within 24 hours of his appointment, Kachikwu received the president’s permission to sack all the divisional heads of the NNPC. His place in Buhari’s economic management team is assured.
Oil exports account for 70% of government revenue. With oil prices dropping below $50 and likely to drop even further when Iran resumes supplies, continuous adjustments in budget benchmarks look certain. The Central Bank has announced a temporary ban on local transactions in dollars. Devalued first in November 2014, and again in February 2015, the Nigerian currency, the naira, still remains under immense pressure as the World Bank continues to counsel for more devaluation. An import dependent economy, a weaker naira will certainly make life more expensive for Nigerians. Analysts say Nigeria is likely to record its poorest fiscal performance in decades this year.
Other folks on Buhari’s list are: Lai Mohammed, a lawyer, businessman and stalwart of the APC; Udoma Udo Udoma, a lawyer, two-term senator between 1999 and 2007 and chairman of several entities, including UAC of Nigeria, Union Bank of Nigeria, Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) and the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC); Amina J. Mohammed, the United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Adviser on Post-2015 Development Planning; Kemi Adeosun, a former Commissioner for Finance in Ogun State, western Nigeria; Abubakar Malami; Abdurahman Bello Dambazzau; Aisha Jumai Al Hassan;  Adebayo Shittu;  Solomon Dalong; Dr. Osagie  Ehaneri; Suleiman Adamu; Ahmed Musa Bello; Ibrahim Usman Jubrin and Senator Hadi Serika.
Was the wait for this list worth it? Will this group of ministers, when and if eventually confirmed by the Nigerian Senate, bring a new kind of thinking to the Buhari administration?
Expectedly, the opposition party, the PDP has lampooned the list, saying the president’s proposed cabinet were “a bunch of failed politicians and loyalists who lacked integrity to move the country forward”.
Only time will tell.
<h3>The Faces Of Business</h3>
Babatunde Fashola: The former Govenor of Lagos State did a remarkable job in transforming Lagos over the past eight years. During his tenure, Fashola, a lawyer, boosted infrastructure and made Lagos safer. Based on his track record, Fashola could head the Ministry of Works or the Federal Capital Territory.
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Rotimi Amaechi: The former Govenor of Rivers State was instrumental in getting Port Harcourt back on track during the Niger Delta crisis by securing the city, attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) and developing infrastructure. While in Rivers State, he made education a priority. The Ministry of Education could be a good fit.
Kayode Fayemi: The former Governor of Ekiti State is considered an expert in policy formulation and will be seen as a great asset regarding policy direction and implementation. Fayemi, who has a doctorate in war studies, has also been seen next to Buhari in recent diplomatic visits. He may be chosen for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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Amina Mohammed: She led the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) office in Nigeria. The UN later appointed her in a development capacity role. The Ministry of Health may suit her.
Kemi Adeosun: The former Ogun State Commissioner of Finance made a significant contribution to the development of the region over the past four years. With her background as a banker, she could get a financial position in the next cabinet.
Emmanuel Kachikwu: He was just appointed the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. There is speculation that he will be named as a junior minister for petroleum resources, since Buhari made it clear he will manage the oil and gas sector himself.
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A President’s  Search For Political Saints

Winning the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections will turn out to be the easiest task for Nigeria’s new leaders. Governing Africa’s most populous country will prove more arduous.
Now that the polls have come and gone, Nigerians and the newly inaugurated government of President Muhammadu Buhari must now turn their sights on the hard, serious work ahead: fixing their economy, and the ethical fibers of their multi-cultural society.
This will be no easy task, considering that all eyes (local and global) will be on the retired army general as he seeks to resolve the country’s innumerable social, economic and cultural dilemmas.
“This country has to be fixed&#8230; with the engine running,” Buhari’s Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo, told a gathering of media and business folks in Lagos last April.
No doubt the Nigerian nation continues to be a “disappointing case” despite its crowning as Africa’s leading economy, and despite its abundant resources.
Now, when I say “disappointing case” I do not mean to belittle this GDP badge of honor. I merely want to remind you that (most) Nigerians lack access to potable water, electricity, internet access, affordable housing, quality healthcare, quality education and efficient public transportation, just to list a few things on the development agenda.
“We are actually bleeding on many fronts,” a friend working in the Office of the Chief Economic Adviser to President Jonathan admitted to FORBES AFRICA. “Yet we keep behaving as if we are a Saudi Arabia, which has a bigger economy several times the size of Nigeria’s.”
Nigeria is a classic case of the Dutch Disease syndrome, a term coined in 1977 by The Economist to describe the decline of the manufacturing sector in the Netherlands after the discovery of the large Groningen natural gas field in 1959. This was around the same time Nigeria also began to export oil from its Oloibiri oil fields, in the creeks of the Niger Delta. Sadly, instead of growing in significance and wealth, Nigeria’s Niger Delta communities have become desolate and impoverished.
In recent times, declining oil prices have had a debilitating effect on the country’s earnings. Nigeria however continues to behave like a wealthy czar, overspending, undersaving and underinvesting.
Revamping the ethos of business and governance should be top priority for Nigeria’s new economic and political managers. Under the previous administration of President Goodluck Jonathan, the country’s petroleum sector became synonymous with corruption and murky corporate governance.
Crude oil prices ($115 per barrel in June 2014) now stand around $60. National revenues have declined by 29% over the last nine months. Decades of not saving enough and not investing enough in the economy have now caught up with the nation.
The IMF has called for a further devaluation of the naira, the national currency, which had already depreciated by 23% between November and March. Citizens at the bottom of the pyramid and small business owners across the country disagreed with this advice. Nigerians would prefer a peaceful nation; productive refineries and infrastructure; reforms that restore the professional dignity of the civil service, the police and other public service providers; pragmatic housing programs; deeper financial and economic inclusion and a drastic reduction in the size of government.
In a nutshell, this is the broad agenda for Nigeria’s new government. Nigerians can however be impatient. It will certainly take more than one election cycle (four years) to fix all of the nation’s economic and social woes. A few months is all we need to gauge if the change Nigerians desire will begin to happen under the old general.
Known as a frugal man with little penchant for frivolities and material acquisitions, it will be interesting to see how he attenuates Nigeria’s widespread culture of nepotism. Which brings me to another matter: state sponsorship of religious activities, events and pilgrimages.
Saudi Arabia made $18.6 billion and $213 billion from pilgrimages and oil exports, respectively, in 2014. Israel recorded 3.54 million tourist arrivals in 2013. The statistics for Nigeria’s tourism sector are nowhere near these levels. Which begs the question: who benefits more from religious tourism – is it the citizen, the state or religious institutions?
The agenda for Buhari’s team is certainly not a boring one.

Tag: Elections

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