Despite the ample investment opportunities in Zimbabwe, post-election setbacks challenge its economic recovery

Zimbabwe’s long-delayed economic turnaround may have been further pushed out after the army violently crushed protests following the country’s first elections without Robert Mugabe’s name on the ballot box.
Investors sitting on the fence before the polls will most likely walk away while others may postpone any commitments until the resolution of the legal challenges launched by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Alliance, or take cue from international lenders, analysts say.
“It’s going to take years and not the months that we anticipated for the economic recovery,’’ says John Robertson, a Harare-based independent economist who has analyzed Zimbabwe’s economy since independence in 1980 when Mugabe first took power.
“It’s going to be very difficult to win any credibility after last week’s activities.’’
Zimbabwe’s first elections without Mugabe had raised hopes the country was on the verge of rebirth after the least violent campaigning in almost two decades. But those hopes were dashed days after the polls as Nelson Chamisa, leader of the MDC alleged “overwhelming’’ evidence of vote-rigging, and the military killed six people amid beatings in the MDC’s urban strongholds.
The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission said incumbent Emmerson Mnangagwa won 50.8% of the vote and more than three quarters of parliamentary seats while Chamisa received 44% support, a number the MDC has dismissed, and challenged at the Constitutional Court. The case, which delayed Mnangagwa’s inauguration, was still pending at the time of going to press.
Mnangagwa, who had vowed a free and credible poll, had hoped to use its outcome to campaign for international support to rescue an economy that has more than halved in the last two decades, leaving more than 90% of workers unemployed.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/focus/2018/07/04/who-will-zimbabwe-vote-for/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">READ MORE: Who Will Zimbabwe Vote For?</a>
“In the short-term, sentiment will be determined by the outcome of the MDC’s challenge of the election results,’’ says Neville Mandimika, an economist at Rand Merchant Bank in Johannesburg.
“If their application is backed by solid evidence of blatant rigging, then it is likely that regional partners and sources of capital will hold back capital while the stalemate gets resolved.’’
International acceptance is key to the country’s hopes of winning debt forgiveness or restructuring an external debt of $11.3 billion at the end of last year, more than 80% of the country’s GDP. Combined with the domestic debt, the country is in debt distress and the situation is unsustainable, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Support from the IMF and other donors is critical for any government to solve one of the country’s most immediate and intractable challenges; a liquidity shortage that has constrained economic activity and forces Zimbabweans to queue for hours for the few available US dollars. The country adopted the US currency in 2009 after its own dollar collapsed as hyperinflation reached a record 79.6 billion percent in November 2008.
“The proper reintroduction of the Zimbabwean dollar is on the agenda of the current government, but it recognizes that there are certain conditions that must be in place for this to happen,’’ Mandimika says.
“Chief among these is ensuring that there are sufficient FX reserves which would allow for the central bank to manage the volatility of the currency, which is to be expected upon the reintroduction of the Zimbabwe dollar.’’
Cognizant of this, Mnangagwa, a long-time ally of Mugabe has tried to distance himself from his former boss’s disastrous economic and political policies, promising economic reforms and reversing some of Mugabe’s key policies such as on black economic empowerment, foreign direct investment and property rights. After the elections and violence, he took to Twitter to call for calm, calling the violence “regrettable &amp; tragic’’.
He will need to do more than that, and in particular, put together a credible cabinet and also clearly define the role of the military, according to Dianna Games, an independent analyst.
“Investors will more closely be watching the economic policies put and interventions put forward by the new government than who is actually in State House,’’ says Games.
“The choice of the cabinet will be watched closely by investors, particularly given the volatility in the past of Zanu-PF actions in sweeping aside investor agreements in the name of political expedience, particularly with regard to agriculture. A strong military presence in the executive may be a red flag.’’
The country has so much goodwill and potential to tap that a recovery is almost a matter of time, analysts say.
“Overall, I think there is little doubt that, despite an election tainted once again by allegations of rigging and violence, Zimbabwe is poised for some sort of economic recovery,’’ says Games. “There are many investment opportunities, the economy is resilient, there are many skills that could be brought back into the formal sector, there is experienced management in the private sector and Zimbabweans have proved to be innovative even in the hardest of times. These all bode well for a recovery although it may not be as swift as people hope for given the current challenges in the economy.’
&#8211; By Godfrey Mutizwa

TOPSHOT-ZIMBABWE-VOTE

Why Zimbabwe Is Not There Yet

The polls were open, business was closed. Fourteen million Kenyans queued up across the country to cast their votes on March 4 in what many feared would be another violent election.
For most entrepreneurs it was far from business as usual. The Monday was declared a public holiday just after month-end when shoppers normally spend fistfuls of their hard-earned shillings. The violence of 2007 was fresh in many minds and for days the capital, Nairobi, was a ghost town.
“I remember very well December 27, 2007. When the problems arose it was just around the 31st of December, we had actually come to work. It was business as usual. Suddenly we had some police officers who came into the store and said we need to shut the store and go home. There is violence coming our way,” says Karim Fazal chairman of Little Red—a Nairobi luxury designer store.
Within the hour, on that fateful December day, a mob clashed with police just outside the store in Nairobi’s Kimathi Street, says Fazal. He was trapped in his store for nearly an hour with his workers, customers and passers-by, who were trying to shelter from the violence.
The unrest spread and flared into ethnic violence that left more than 1,200 people dead and 600,000 homeless. Rioters destroyed property and productivity collapsed. The country’s economy came to a standstill and the GDP growth for 2008 fell to the country’s lowest ever, 1.7%, on the cusp of the world economic crisis.
This time around, Fazal, along with other entrepreneurs, took expensive political risk insurance cover.
“The insurance charged us two shillings for every thousand shillings worth of goods and two shillings for loss of business which I took out for three months,” says Fazal.
At the very least, Kenyan insurance companies banded together to offer cheaper political risk insurance for business.
“Loss of business will not just be prevalent to the first two days, not the day for voting and not the following one. This will carry on until we get the election results out and that the results are accepted by all parties concerned until we see normalcy returning to the business environment,” says Fazal.
Kenya’s Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) promised free, fair and secure elections. The voting was so, bar violent clashes in Mombasa that claimed 19 lives—including four police officers. The announcement of results, in a two-horse race between presidential candidates Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga, also proved peaceful.
“There seems to be a lack of security in the CBD, which will then lead to thugs taking advantage of the situation, which has been prevalent in Nairobi in the past few days because of the police being deployed at the polling centers to make sure things are peaceful. So in that way, we felt that there was lack of security,” says Fazal.
It took six hours for Fazal to cast his vote on March 4. His dream: the election of a leader who will bring peace and unity to Kenya; one who will also foster business.
“When you take the insecurity, the weariness and trepidations that we feel pre- and post-elections that should not be the case in this country. I am hoping for the next elections we will not have to look at this ever again,” concludes Fazal.
Millions of Kenyans are likely to agree.

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Why Zimbabwe Is Not There Yet

NO Business As Usual