Former Vice President Joe Biden announced Tuesday that he is tapping his former Democratic primary opponent Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) as his vice presidential nominee, ending months of speculation surrounding the first ever female-exclusive VP selection process.



KEY FACTS



“I have the great honor to announce that I’ve picked Kamala Harris — a fearless fighter for the little guy, and one of the country’s finest public servants — as my running mate,” Biden&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/JoeBiden/status/1293280411150217219?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">tweeted</a>.



A former career prosecutor, Harris served as San Francisco district attorney from 2004 to 2011 and California attorney general from 2011 to 2017, before being elected to the U.S. Senate in 2016.



Harris quickly drew&nbsp;<a href="https://www.politico.com/story/2017/06/09/kamala-harris-2020-239318" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">headlines</a>&nbsp;for her tough lines of questioning towards Trump administration nominees and officials, such as her 2017&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mK_HmEFxCpI" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">grilling</a>&nbsp;of then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions for his frequent claims that he couldn’t recall details of his discussions with Russian ambassador Sergei Kislyak.



Harris&nbsp;<a href="https://www.politico.com/story/2019/01/21/kamala-harris-2020-campaign-1116076" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">launched</a>&nbsp;her campaign in January and was&nbsp;<a href="https://www.cnn.com/2019/02/15/politics/kamala-harris-democratic-frontrunner/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">instantly cast</a>&nbsp;as a leading contender for the nomination, but failed to garner broad, lasting support for her bid–including among&nbsp;<a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2019/12/04/kamala-harris-black-voters-2020-075651" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">black voters</a>–particularly sustaining damage for&nbsp;<a href="https://www.politico.com/story/2019/08/22/kamala-harris-health-care-1471421" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">stumbling</a>&nbsp;over her position on Medicare-for-All.



Harris’s most notable moment and largest polling bump of the campaign came when she&nbsp;<a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2019/06/27/harris-attacks-bidens-record-on-busing-and-working-with-segregationists.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">clashed</a>&nbsp;with Biden at a Democratic primary debate over his record on busing in the 1970s and his “hurtful”&nbsp;<a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2019/06/19/democrats-slam-biden-over-comments-on-segregationist-senator.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">anecdotes</a>&nbsp;about rosy relationships with segregationist senators, with Harris accusing him of opposing busing and Biden calling it a “mischaracterization” of his positions and hitting Harris’s record as a prosecutor.



But after&nbsp;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnbbrandon/2019/12/03/kamala-harris-drops-out-of-presidential-race-on-twitter-meanwhile-tulsi-gabbard-does-yoga/">dropping out</a>&nbsp;in December and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Sa4htbPxva0" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">endorsing</a>&nbsp;Biden in March, Harris’s public relationship with Biden rapidly improved, with Harris frequently and effusively headlining fundraising events for Biden and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2020/07/27/kamala-harris-biden-vp-381829" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">brushing off</a>&nbsp;concerns about their clash over busing.



“Back when Kamala was Attorney General, she worked closely with Beau. I watched as they took on the big banks, lifted up working people, and protected women and kids from abuse,” Biden&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/JoeBiden/status/1293280412144267264?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">said</a>&nbsp;of Harris, adding, “I was proud then, and I&#8217;m proud now to have her as my partner in this campaign.”



Harris&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/KamalaHarris/status/1293290197103390721?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">praised</a>&nbsp;Biden as someone who can “unify the American people because he&#8217;s spent his life fighting for us,” adding, “I&#8217;m honored to join him as our party&#8217;s nominee for Vice President, and do what it takes to make him our Commander-in-Chief.”



The Trump campaign released an&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/AndrewSolender/status/1293286684898078722?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ad</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/AndrewSolender/status/1293286329267216384?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">statement</a>&nbsp;claiming Harris “ran for president by rushing to the radical left” and slammed her for joining Biden’s ticket after attacking him during the primary, labelling her “Phony Kamala.”



Some on the left took aim at Biden’s pick as well; Briahna Joy Gray, a former press secretary for Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.)’s 2020 presidential campaign,&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/briebriejoy/status/1293286212699136006?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">slammed</a>&nbsp;the Democratic party for running a “a ‘top cop’ and the author of the Joe Biden crime bill to save us from Trump” amid protests against police violence, asserting that it shows “contempt for the base.”



But progressive politicians, including those who ran against Harris for president and vice president, lauded the pick; Sanders&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/BernieSanders/status/1293290750982139905?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">tweeted</a>&nbsp;that Harris “understands what it takes to stand up for working people,” and Rep. Karen Bass (D-Calif.)&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/KarenBassTweets/status/1293281471378214912?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">called</a>&nbsp;Harris a “great choice” because of her “tenacious pursuit of justice and relentless advocacy for the people.”



More establishment Democratic politicians were likewise highly supportive of the pick, with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.)&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/TeamPelosi/status/1293282982564958208?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">saying</a>&nbsp;that Harris will “continue her legacy of trailblazing leadership to move our nation forward,” as vice president, and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/chuckschumer/status/1293284297332469762?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">tweeting</a>&nbsp;that Harris has been “an outstanding Senator and will be an outstanding Vice President!”



Former President Barack Obama&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/BarackObama/status/1293295296819220481?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">tweeted</a>, “I’ve known Senator Kamala Harris for a long time. She is more than prepared for the job. She’s spent her career defending our Constitution and fighting for folks who need a fair shake. This is a good day for our country. Now let’s go win this thing.”



Harris and Biden are&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/AndrewSolender/status/1293283786604589057?s=20" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">slated</a>&nbsp;to deliver joint remarks on Wednesday in Wilmington, DE, focused on “working together to restore the soul of the nation and fight for working families to move the country forward.”



CRUCIAL QUOTE



“You can’t be successful at the highest levels of national politics for 40 years like he has without the rapid ability to turn yesterday’s rivals into today’s allies,” Harris’s former press secretary Ian Sams&nbsp;<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/kamala-harris-once-went-after-joe-biden-but-now-theres-only-bonhomie-as-the-vice-presidential-tryouts-continue/2020/06/26/9b525566-b6f9-11ea-a8da-693df3d7674a_story.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">said</a>&nbsp;of Biden in June.



KEY BACKGROUND



Biden&nbsp;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/lisettevoytko/2020/03/15/joe-biden-just-committed-to-picking-a-woman-as-his-vice-president/">pledged</a>&nbsp;to pick a woman in March, and his&nbsp;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/andrewsolender/2020/06/18/heres-who-joe-biden-is-considering-for-vp/">rumored shortlist</a>&nbsp;included governors, members of congress and even mayors and state legislators. He also&nbsp;<a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/06/12/875000650/pressure-grows-on-joe-biden-to-pick-a-black-woman-as-his-running-mate" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">faced pressure</a>&nbsp;to pick a woman of color like Harris, especially in the aftermath of the George Floyd protests, which ignited a national debate over race and policing. But Biden frequently said his top criteria for a running mate were that they were “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/biden-under-pressure-to-shatter-cement-ceiling-by-naming-a-black-woman-to-be-his-running-mate/2020/07/19/7dfb9dcc-c06f-11ea-9fdd-b7ac6b051dc8_story.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">simpatico with me</a>, both in terms of personality as well as substance,” and had the ability to govern if Biden, 78, were unable to perform the duties of president.



TANGENT



Kamala Harris and her husband, attorney Doug Emhoff, had a fortune of&nbsp;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/michelatindera/2019/08/23/heres-how-much-2020-presidential-candidate-kamala-harris-is-worth/#4e25d2293aa6">$6 million</a>&nbsp;as of August, 2019, according to&nbsp;Forbes&nbsp;reporter Michela Tindera. The bulk of the money comes from Emhoff’s legal work and profits from several books authored by Harris.



CHIEF CRITIC



Despite&nbsp;<a href="https://www.politico.com/2020-election/candidates-views-on-the-issues/kamala-harris/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">advocating</a>&nbsp;firmly progressive positions during her presidential campaign like universal government health care, a $15 minimum wage, legalizing marijuana and debt-free college, the left took aim at Harris most sharply for her tenure as California attorney general. She was&nbsp;<a href="https://theintercept.com/2019/01/31/kamala-harris-and-the-myth-of-a-progressive-cop/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">slammed</a>&nbsp;by left-wing activists for contemporaneously&nbsp;<a href="https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article243906742.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">calling herself&nbsp;</a>the state’s “top cop,” with “Kamala is a cop”&nbsp;<a href="https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2019/12/kamala-was-a-cop-black-people-knew-it-first/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">becoming</a>&nbsp;a viral meme that would come to broadly define the leftist opposition to her candidacy.



BIG NUMBER



32%.&nbsp;A&nbsp;<a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2020/07/15/joe-biden-vice-president-pick-poll-362900" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Politico/Morning Consult poll</a>&nbsp;of 1,992 registered voters pegged Harris at 32% favorability and 34% unfavorability. While she is well known with voters, she lacks universal name recognition, with 1 in 5 voters saying they have never heard of her and another 14% saying they have no opinion. But in the end, Harris may not have an outsized impact on the outcome in November; 54% of registered voters said Biden’s VP pick wouldn’t impact how they vote in November, while 16% said it would have a major impact and 20% said it would have a minor impact.&nbsp;



SURPRISING FACT



Harris is the first woman of color to run for either president or vice president on a major party ticket. Her election as vice president would make her the first Black American to serve in the role and the first woman or Indian-American to serve as either president or vice president.



WHAT TO WATCH FOR



The Trump campaign will doubtless use Harris’s confrontation with Biden over busing against the Democratic ticket, but Harris brings with her numerous advantages as well. Her experience as a large state attorney general and U.S. senator make it difficult to argue against her qualifications for the job, and having run for president before, she rejoins the campaign trail intimately familiar with the scrutiny and spotlight of the national political stage. In that respect, Harris may be what many have described as the “<a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2020/05/04/why_kamala_harris_is_the_do_no_harm_choice_for_vp_143103.html" target="_blank">do no harm</a>” candidate, providing modest benefits to Biden with limited risk.



-Andrew Solender, Forbes Staff

Democratic Presidential Candidates Participate In Third Debate In Houston

Biden Picks Kamala Harris: Trump Responds, Democrats Unite, Harris’s Net Worth, And More

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In an exclusive interview, the billionaire rapper says he’s “walking for president” as GOP operatives work to get him on state ballots.



Amid&nbsp;various reports&nbsp;that Republican and Trump-affiliated political operatives are trying to get Kanye West onto various state ballots for November’s presidential election, the billionaire rap superstar indicated, in an interview by text today, that he was, in fact, running to siphon votes from the presumptive Democratic nominee, Joe Biden.



Asked about that directly, West said that rather than running for president, he was “walking,” quickly adding that he was “walking . . . to win.”



When it was pointed out that he actually can’t win in 2020—that he won’t be on enough ballots to yield 270 electoral votes, and that a write-in campaign isn’t feasible—and thus was serving as a spoiler, West replied: “I’m not going to argue with you. Jesus is King.”



West rebuffed various attempts to clarify who was driving his ballot access or strategy and whether it’s being coordinated by or with Republican-affiliated officials. He does, however, appear to have a continuing relationship with the Trump White House. West says that he’s “designing a school within the next month” and that “I’m meeting with Betsy DeVos about the post-Covid curriculum.” (The Secretary of Education’s press office hadn’t responded to a request for comment by the time we published.)



“I like Kanye very much,”&nbsp;<a href="https://news.yahoo.com/trump-kanye-wests-presidential-run-224359051.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">President Trump told reporters</a>&nbsp;at the White House yesterday. “No, I have nothing to do with him getting on the ballot. We&#8217;ll have to see what happens.”



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">West says that he’s “designing a school within the next month” and that “I’m meeting with Betsy DeVos about the post-Covid curriculum.”&nbsp;</blockquote>



West’s intentions have come under increased scrutiny this week, following reports by CNN,&nbsp;<a href="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2020/08/two-people-linked-to-kanye-wests-campaign-have-ties-to-gop.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">New York</a>, the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/04/us/politics/kanye-west-president-republicans.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">New York Times</a>&nbsp;and others, about efforts by GOP political operatives to get him onto several ballots, including states like Wisconsin that could be pivotal in deciding the next president. West has been a vocal Trump supporter, including visiting the president in the Oval Office. Texts from West to me earlier this summer repeatedly ended with the sign-off “Trump 2020,” and a fist raised high. West’s recent actions have also drawn public focus, given his bipolar disorder—and many, including his wife, Kim Kardashian-West, have expressed concern about his mental health.



West did not respond when asked whether he feels he’s being used. When I pointed out to West that the slapdash operation to get him on the ballot, which includes one operative previously arrested for voter fraud and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.cincinnati.com/story/news/2020/08/05/rapper-kanye-west-files-ohio-run-president/3298475001/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">multiple West “electors” from the same address</a>, didn’t feel like a Kanye West production, West replied that it was a “God production.”



In a&nbsp;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/randalllane/2020/07/08/kanye-west-says-hes-done-with-trump-opens-up-about-white-house-bid-damaging-biden-and-everything-in-between/#209366cf47aa">wide-ranging interview with&nbsp;Forbes&nbsp;last month</a>&nbsp;about his political aspirations, West, who has never voted before, laid out a platform for his “Birthday Party” that included a pro-life plank that alleged that Planned Parenthood was placed in cities by white supremacists, a management style patterned on the fictional country of Wakanda in&nbsp;Black Panther&nbsp;and anti-vaccine conspiracy theories. In that interview, West also claimed that he was dumping Trump. “I am taking the red hat off, with this interview.” His reason: “It looks like one big mess to me. I don’t like that I caught wind that he hid in the bunker.”



However, he was reticent to criticize Trump besides that. “Trump is the closest president we’ve had in years to allowing God to still be part of the conversation,” he said.



And West was eager to criticize Biden, and expressed comfort with the idea of doing damage to the former vice president’s White House chances. “I’m not denying it; I just told you.”



-Randall Lane, Forbes Staff

US-PEOPLE-politics-RACE-TRUMP-KANYE

Exclusive: Kanye West Indicates That His Spoiler Campaign Is Indeed Designed To Hurt Biden

After years of hints, Kanye West formally announced he is running for president this year in a challenge to Trump, who he once supported, and Democratic rival Joe Biden, winning support from his friend and Tesla CEO Elon Musk.



KEY FACTS



<ul><li>Rounding off his Fourth of July, West <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/kanyewest/status/1279575273365594112?s=20" target="_blank">tweeted</a> on Saturday night: “We must now realize the promise of America by trusting God, unifying our vision and building our future. I am running for president of the United States! #2020VISION.”</li></ul>



<ul><li>Musk<a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1279577069005897728?s=20" target="_blank"> tweeted</a> in response: “You have my full support!”</li></ul>



<ul><li>Wife Kim Kardashian also publicly pledged her support, retweeting West’s statement and adding a U.S. flag <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/KimKardashian/status/1279597399380332544?s=20" target="_blank">emoji</a>.</li></ul>



<ul><li>West’s announcement follows years of hints that he would run for office this year which he later postponed to 2024, after publicly declaring at a Fast Company event in 2019: “When I run for president in 2024&#8230;We would create so many jobs! I’m not going to run, I’m going to walk.”</li></ul>



<ul><li>But the rapper, who recently <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/pamdanziger/2020/06/28/kanye-west-gives-gap-a-ten-year-lifeline-with-yeezy-partnership-and-gets-what-he-always-wanted/#3db3d12e3dde">inked</a> a 10-year deal with Gap through his Yeezy brand, is reportedly yet to file any paperwork to get on state election ballots, while he has missed the deadline for states including Texas, New York, and Indiana.</li></ul>



<ul><li>It is not known how serious West’s intentions are this time around, however, he still has time to <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://ballotpedia.org/Important_dates_in_the_2020_presidential_race" target="_blank">file</a> as an independent candidate across most states, according to Ballotpedia.</li></ul>



<ul><li>West’s declaration was met with skepticism on social media, while some commentators pointed out that it could work out in Trump’s favour.</li></ul>



<figure class="wp-block-embed-twitter wp-block-embed is-type-rich is-provider-twitter"><div class="wp-block-embed__wrapper">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">Kanye West went from endorsing Trump to claiming he’d run against him —an announcement that benefits the president to the degree it spotlights Biden’s need for black voters &amp; his potential weakness with young voters <a href="https://t.co/0m4PUO6s6a">https://t.co/0m4PUO6s6a</a>&mdash; Marc Caputo (@MarcACaputo) <a href="https://twitter.com/MarcACaputo/status/1279589464491376642?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 5, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">Kanye West isn’t really gonna run for President, but his next album will be called Presidential Dropout&mdash; David Gardner (@byDavidGardner) <a href="https://twitter.com/byDavidGardner/status/1279585706432659457?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 5, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
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KEY BACKGROUND



West’s declaration suggests the rapper is looking to cement political ambitions he has expressed throughout Trump’s presidency. West previously forged alliances with Trump, and was pictured in the Oval Office in 2018 wearing a signature Trump ‘Make America Great Again’ cap. He once called the president his “brother” and previously hit back at criticism towards his support for Trump, likening the backlash to racial discrimination. Although he says he didn’t vote in 2016, West later said he “would have voted for Trump”, and earlier this year doubled down, suggesting he would vote for him in November. But that could very well change given Saturday’s announcement.



<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="594" height="456" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/gettyimages-1059657306-594x594-1.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-46417" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/gettyimages-1059657306-594x594-1.jpg 594w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/gettyimages-1059657306-594x594-1-300x230.jpg 300w" sizes="(max-width: 594px) 100vw, 594px" /><figcaption>American rapper and producer Kanye West embraces real estate developer and US President Donald Trump in the White House&#8217;s Oval Office, Washington DC, October 11, 2018. West wears a red baseball cap that reads &#8216;Make America Great Again,&#8217; Trump&#8217;s campaign slogan. (Photo by Ron Sachs/Consolidated News Pictures/Getty Images)</figcaption></figure>



TANGENT



West and Musk were <a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://twitter.com/kanyewest/status/1278353774671802369?s=20" target="_blank">pictured together</a> on July 1st, with West tweeting: “When you go to your boys [sic] house and you’re both wearing orange.”



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https://twitter.com/kanyewest/status/1278353774671802369?s=20
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&#8211;<a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/isabeltogoh/">Isabel Togoh</a>, Forbes Staff, <a href="https://www.forbes.com/business">Business</a>

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Elon Musk, Kim Kardashian Endorse Kanye West Running For President

This is a developing story.



Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza has died, the government of the Republic of Burundi announced in a statement that was posted on their twitter account.



&#8220;The Government of the Republic of Burundi announces with great sadness the unexpected death of His Excellency Pierre Nkurunziza, President of the Republic of Burundi, at the Karusi Fiftieth Anniversary Hospital following a cardiac arrest on June 8, 2020,&#8221;



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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-width="500" data-dnt="true">URGENT: Le Gouvernement de la République du Burundi annonce avec une très grande tristesse le décès inopiné de Son Excellence Pierre Nkurunziza, Président de la République du Burundi, survenu à l’Hôpital du Cinquantenaire de Karusi suite à un arrêt cardiaque ce 8 juin 2020. <a href="https://t.co/PP46kKzAM5">pic.twitter.com/PP46kKzAM5</a>&mdash; Bureau du Premier Ministre (@BurundiGov) <a href="https://twitter.com/BurundiGov/status/1270359764065759233?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 9, 2020</a></blockquote><script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>
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Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza Has Died

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<iframe loading="lazy" title="In conversation with Ethiopia&#039;s first female president" width="500" height="281" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/uS77cHdLoK4?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe>
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Ethiopia&#8217;s first female president, Sahle-Work Zewde, spoke to FORBES AFRICA&#8217;s Managing Editor, Renuka Methil, on the country&#8217;s plans to combat Covid-19 and resuscitate one of the fastest growing economies in Africa.



Zewde, listed as one of Africa’s ‘50 Most Powerful Women’ in the March issue of FORBES AFRICA, says while the virus didn&#8217;t warrant the nation going into complete lockdown, it has hit some sectors of the East African country&#8217;s economy, affecting its GDP growth. 



In early May, the government announced a package to bolster healthcare spending, food distribution, rebuild SMMEs, etc to support the country&#8217;s most vulnerable. Zewde also shares her views on women in the front lines, as well as reimagining education.

Renu and Zewde

Ethiopia’s First Female President On Plans To Combat Covid-19 And Resuscitate The Economy

Sahle-Work Zewde, Ethiopia’s first female president and the only serving female head of state in Africa, tells FORBES AFRICA why more leaders should use soft power to achieve shared growth.



Sahle-Work Zewde has her name etched in political history. A veteran public official having served as an ambassador to Senegal, Djibouti, and France between 1989 and 2006, before her presidency, Zewde was Special Representative to the African Union and Head of the United Nations Office to the African Union. In an email interview, Zwede, who was also on FORBES AFRICA’s list of ‘Africa’s 50 Most Powerful Women’ for its March issue, dwells on why the ‘Africa we want’ will only become a reality with the positive and significant transformation of women’s lives:



In your position, how are you moving to achieve more gender proportionality in Ethiopian politics?



I see my being in this position as both an opportunity and responsibility. I know that it is political will that has opened the way for me and many other women to assume positions of power and influence in the Presidency and the ministerial cabinet in Ethiopia. This stride is a major step forward for Ethiopia as a nation and also for the continent. However, things can regress and go back to how they were unless we take strategic and intentional action to build on the momentum. For me, the way forward is using my platform to empower and embolden the women coming after me. This can occur in two ways. The first is working on empowering the women who are in the workforce and especially in positions of leadership to reach their full potential and engage in activities that provide opportunities for the next generation of women leaders. The second is helping female students at both the university and high school levels to ensure that we have a steady stream of competent, educated and confident women ready to take over. As women in power, we have a responsibility to all the women that will come after us to ensure that their trajectory is easier than ours.



How must Africa change in this regard?



Although more progress has been achieved in terms of delivering on our promise to provide support towards women’s education, health services, access to finance and political participation in a growing number of African countries, much more needs to be done. As a continent, we must go beyond the rhetoric and provide tangible solutions for African women in all sectors. The ‘Africa we want’ will only become a reality with the positive and significant transformation of women’s lives and the extent of their participation in all walks of life.



What do the words ‘power’ and ‘soft power’ mean to you?



There is a clear distinction between ‘power’ and ‘soft power’. While the first uses any means to achieve a goal, the latter relies on influence through communication, understanding and healthy discourse. Soft power does not resort to violence or coercive methods to achieve the results sought. Serving as a diplomat for a quarter century and at the United Nations for over a decade, I became very knowledgeable of the utility of soft power to reach consensus and effectuate change.



For me, the idea of soft power is what we need to promote as a continent. For decades, our continent has been ravaged by civil war, ethnic conflict and infighting.



However, Africa is now enjoying more economic growth than it has ever had. What we need now is more leaders to exercise soft power, finding what unites us to achieve a vision of shared growth. Traditional governance sees the government as the sole owner and executer of international relations. However, with our increasingly globalized world, it’s the people-to-people connections that make a true and lasting impact and bond. Leaders of today have to detach from traditional views and adopt the more global perspective the times require.



– Interviewed by Renuka Methil

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‘It’s The People-To-People Connections That Make A Lasting Impact’

Ghana has been&nbsp;chosen&nbsp;by the African Union (AU) to host the secretariat of the African Continental Free Trade Area. It beat other competing countries including Egypt, Eswatini, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar and Senegal to win the bid.



As a free trade area, member countries have come together and agreed not to impose tariffs, quotas and other trade barriers on goods and services. The agreement is expected to enlarge markets and diversify exports, particularly manufactured goods. 



According to US-based think tank the Brookings Institute, intra-African trade stands at about 14%, while the share of manufactured goods to the rest of the world stands at 18%. Trade among Asian countries is much higher – at 59% – and even higher among European countries at 69%. The hope is that the African free trade area will boost trade across the continent by 52% by 2022 .



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The core mandate of the secretariat will be to implement the free trade agreement, which has been&nbsp;ratified&nbsp;by 25 out of 54 countries. Once all have ratified the deal, it will create the world’s largest free trade area since the formation of the World Trade Organisation in 1995.



Africa’s free trade area will cover a market of 1.2 billion people with a combined Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of&nbsp;US$2.5 trillion.



The secretariat’s job will be to recruit personnel, train them, and develop organisational capability. The secretariat will also have to implement policies handed down by the governing body, keep the media informed, organise conferences and identify potential funding sources. It will also monitor and evaluate the progress of policies and programmes.



This is a first for Ghana which has not hosted a continental secretariat. The hope is that it can emulate the success of other African capitals that have befitted from hosting the AU and the United Nations. 



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">Addis Ababa is home to the AU headquarters while Nairobi hosts two of the UN’s biggest bodies. For its part, South Africa hosts the Pan-African Parliament.</blockquote>



The presence of the AU in Addis Ababa has been&nbsp;credited&nbsp;with an increase in property valuations as well as job creation.



In making its bid, Ghana took advantage of its strategic geographical location in West Africa. It has put a great deal of effort into making the country a gateway and a trade hub in West Africa.



Hosting the free trade area secretariat will come with costs and benefits &#8211; direct and indirect.



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">Why Ghana</h3>



In establishing its credentials to host the secretariat, the Ghanaian government would have set out the country’s most notable achievements.



These would have included the fact that it’s been an exemplary member of the AU. For example, in 2007 it was among the first countries to be reviewed by the&nbsp;African Peer Review Mechanism&nbsp;– the self-assessment mechanism used to measure&nbsp;good governance.



The fact that it put its hand up sent a signal to other countries that the peer review process was credible.



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Other factors that would have played in Ghana’s favour are that the country’s economy has been showing strong growth.



It is one of the fastest growing economies in the world with an&nbsp;averageGDP growth of about 6%. In addition, it comes second to Cape Verde in West Africa in terms of the United Nations Human Development&nbsp;index.



In one of the most unstable sub regions in the world, Ghana also has a tradition of relative peace and security, a key parameter for hosting a secretariat.



In addition, Ghana has had the advantage of learning about trade collaboration through its membership of the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas).



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">Costs and benefits</h3>



Ghana has been part of the&nbsp;15-member&nbsp;Ecowas since its formation in 1990. The regional body introduced a common external tariff in&nbsp;2015&nbsp;.



While Ghana has enjoyed&nbsp;benefits&nbsp;from the arrangement, like many other West African States, it has not been able to harness its full potential. For example, border controls remain cumbersome, delaying transits due to the numerous check points, huge unofficial payments at the&nbsp;borders.



The most direct cost to the country will be the $10 million pledged by President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo to support setting up the secretariat. The AU is also expected to contribute funds and appeals have been made to international funding agencies.



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">Ghana’s hope is that hosting the secretariat will boost the hospitality sector – and more broadly the services sector – and generate increased international exposure.</blockquote>



There should also be a boost for job creation as the secretariat hires staff; ranging from economists to translators, administrators and technicians.



There is no clear deadline on when the secretariat is expected to be up and running. The AU itself still has to clear a number of&nbsp;hurdles, including adopting a structure, staff rules and regulations, and the secretariat’s budget.

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Ghana Hopes To Benefit From Hosting Africa’s Free Trade Area Secretariat

It is a quarter of a century since the end of apartheid in South Africa. But it’s easy to forget how complex, difficult and violent the birth of full democracy really was. This was particularly true in KwaZulu-Natal, where battles between the African National Congress (ANC) and the mainly Zulu Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP)&nbsp;<a href="https://csvr.org.za/docs/policeviolence/justicedenied.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)">claimed the lives of as many as 20,000</a>&nbsp;in the decade between 1984 and 1994.



In the three months before the first elections in April 1994 an estimated 1 000 people&nbsp;<a href="https://csvr.org.za/docs/policeviolence/justicedenied.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)">were killed</a>. The British and Americans were becoming increasingly concerned. The conflict between Inkatha and the ANC was just one crisis: another was developing with far right white extremists, who were threatening to resort to violence.



The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reported that there was an:



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">eight in 10 chance that violence will surge immediately before and during the election, when emotions are at their highest.</blockquote>



The agency also warned of the threat of a right wing coup, although it considered this “unlikely”. (This CIA report is available in hard copy only.)



As the situation grew increasingly tense, Britain’s Prime Minister John Major and the US’s President Bill Clinton became personally involved. Their interventions are shown in documents just released by&nbsp;<a href="http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)">the UK National Archives</a>.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img decoding="async" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/284690/original/file-20190718-116539-n8y2tv.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""/><figcaption>The cover page of the CIA document.&nbsp;Author provided</figcaption></figure>



The documents reveal just what a close-run thing the first truly democratic election was, and how much time and effort Britain and the USA spent ensuring that the voting went ahead.



<h4 class="wp-block-heading">Desperate times</h4>



Prime Minister Major took a phone call from Nelson Mandela on 22 February, in which the ANC leader described the situation as “very difficult.” Major briefed Mandela on a meeting between the British ambassador and the Inkatha leader, Mangosuthu Buthelezi. He gave Mandela a full account of the conversation, which he warmly welcomed.



On 24 February there is the first indication of a joint Anglo-American mediation effort to resolve the crisis. This&nbsp;<a href="https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/15736.htm" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)">arose</a>&nbsp;during planning for a visit to Washington by Major three days later.



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">Our starting point is that the situation has now deteriorated to the point where it seems very unlikely that left to themselves the South Africans will reach an agreement that will enable to participate in the elections. The consequences are likely to be very serious.</blockquote>



The British suggested that Major and Clinton might “offer their joint help to the transition process”.



The following day – having held discussions with Mandela, Buthelezi and President Frederik de Klerk – the British ambassador in Pretoria, Sir Anthony Reeve, was able to report that all three were prepared to go along with the Anglo-American initiative, although with some reservations. The ambassador concluded:



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">These responses do, I think, give us the green light to consult the Americans in detail on our thinking.</blockquote>



The proposal was discussed between Mandela and Buthelezi at a meeting on March 1 and both leaders agreed to “explore” the possibility of international mediation. Lord Carrington, who had negotiated the end of Rhodesia and its transition to Zimbabwe in 1980, was on a lecture tour of South Africa. He was approached by the ANC’s Thabo Mbeki who asked whether he might act as one of a panel of mediators.



Others suggested were US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and former Tanzanian head of state Julius Nyerere.



There followed intensive discussions between London and Washington, over how such mediation might work; indeed, Carrington and Kissinger travelled to South Africa. In the end a failure to agree on the terms of reference for the mediators, and South African government fears that the elections might be delayed, put paid to the plan.



It has been claimed the crisis – the most immediate was that Buthelezi was threatening to boycott the poll – was resolved by&nbsp;<a rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)" href="http://spas.ku.ac.ke/index.php/faculty/faculty-profiles/89-faculty/44-prof-john-okumu" target="_blank">surprising last minute mediation</a>&nbsp;by Kenyan Professor, John Okumu. Other Commonwealth envoys who had excellent contacts with both the ANC leadership and Buthelezi, including the late Ghanaian diplomat Moses Anafu, doubt this, arguing that forces that led Buthelezi into the election were&nbsp;<a href="https://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6115/7/Moses_Anafu_Transcript_1.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)">much bigger</a>.



Indeed, Buthelezi’s brinkmanship had ensured key constitutional concessions. Okumu’s intervention seems then a face-saving device for the IFP leader. A joint statement was agreed between Mandela, Buthelezi and de Klerk on 19 April, which&nbsp;<a href="https://www.africa.upenn.edu/Govern_Political/ANC_18598.html" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)">allowed the election to take place</a>&nbsp;just a week later (April 26-28).



<h4 class="wp-block-heading">Close-run thing</h4>



It had been a close-run thing and South Africa’s first truly democratic election almost came to grief. But there were two more potential obstacles.



In the tense run-up to polling day, a&nbsp;<a rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)" href="http://hurisa.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2009/11/Goldstone-Booklet.pdf" target="_blank">report</a>&nbsp;on the role of the apartheid state in stoking internal tension and violence was published. The Commission of Inquiry Regarding the Prevention of Public Violence and Intimidation, led by Justice Richard Goldstone had been established in 1991: its report was published on 21 April 1994. 



Judge Goldstone’s investigations revealed that sections of the South African Police had armed Inkatha, and pointed to attempts by senior police officers to&nbsp;<a rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)" href="http://sabctrc.saha.org.za/reports/volume2/chapter7/subsection2.htm" target="_blank">subvert the work of his enquiry</a>.



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The charges were explosive and for a while the judge and his family were clearly at risk from white extremists. With de Klerk’s support and the knowledge of Mandela, Goldstone, his wife and a “key witness” (a former South African police officer) asked whether they might come to Britain. John Major agreed, and they were given temporary asylum and a safe house.



The second obstacle was the South African government’s clandestine chemical and biological weapons programme, known as&nbsp;<a href="http://www.unidir.org/files/publications/pdfs/project-coast-apartheid-s-chemical-and-biological-warfare-programme-296.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)">“Project Coast.”</a>The British Foreign Secretary, Douglas Hurd, contacted Washington about the possibility of issuing a formal public protest unless President de Klerk publicly admitted his government’s involvement in the use of these weapons against ANC and Namibian prisoners.



The British had apparently intervened to prevent the&nbsp;<a rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)" href="https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/Portals/10/CSDS/Books/therollbackofsoafricachembio2.pdf" target="_blank">proliferation</a>&nbsp;of these weapons to other rogue states or terrorist groups. On April 11 the US and British ambassadors delivered their protest to President de Klerk – which apparently did the trick. 



There was an agreement that all the chemical and biological systems would be destroyed and one of the key South African experts, Wouter Basson, who had travelled to Libya on several occasions, was&nbsp;<a rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)" href="https://trialinternational.org/latest-post/wouter-basson/" target="_blank">subsequently prosecuted</a>.



<h4 class="wp-block-heading">Political triumph</h4>



The April 1994 election proved to be a watershed for South Africa. In technical terms, the election was a fiasco, but it was a political triumph, according to the Commonwealth’s leading election official,&nbsp;<a href="https://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6121/1/Carl_Dundas_Transcript.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label=" (opens in a new tab)">Carl Dundass</a>. Inkatha’s surprising victory in Natal-KwaZulu strongly suggest Natal “horsetrading” involved overturning an actual ANC victory to manage anticipated post-election violence.



Despite all the violence, tension and drama the election ended apartheid and allowed Major to phone Mandela with his congratulations – a highly satisfactory conclusion to an intense period of international diplomacy.



-Sue Onslow; Reader, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study



-Martin Plaut; Senior Research Fellow, Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study



-The Conversation



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Archive Documents Reveal The US And UK’s Role In The Dying Days Of Apartheid

The first 100 days of any presidency are often harshly
scrutinized as they set the tone for what citizens expect. South Africa’s Cyril
Ramaphosa is under the magnifying glass as all await his next tactical move.



<hr class="wp-block-separator"/>



At the end of May, South Africa’s sixth
democratically-elected president, Cyril Ramaphosa, took an oath of office at
Loftus Versfeld Stadium in Pretoria. In his speech, he touched on many issues
that resonate with South Africans, including corruption, poverty, equality and
youth unemployment. 



These burning matters prelude what is to be expected from
him in his first 100 days in office. 



Ramaphosa’s period at the helm of power (before the elections) has been typified by repeated calls for a ‘New Dawn’. It seems the man who made it to the 2019 Time magazine list of 100 Most Influential in the world has a laundry list of issues to attend to if he is to set the tone for the rest of his presidency. 



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The challenge that has deeply affected how South Africans
and investors view the country is that of corruption.



“Let us forge a compact for an efficient, capable and
ethical state, a state that is free of corruption, for companies that generate
social value and propel human development… We must be a society that values
excellence, rewards effort and rejects mediocrity,” Ramaphosa said at his
inauguration on May 25.



&nbsp;In the first 100
days, analysts say he needs to demonstrate he is a proactive leader; one who
takes decisive action to address the plight of those who live in a society as
unequal as South Africa. The gaping chasm between the richest and poorest has
widened since the end of apartheid 25 years ago. This information is not lost
on citizens whose lived experiences and disenchantment were in evidence during
the elections.



A specialist in social economic development and political commentator, Kim Heller, is of the view that Ramaphosa has some way to go to address the resolutions of his party, the African National Congress (ANC).



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">&nbsp;“There are critical social maladies that need to be treated with the urgency they deserve… One of the key things people are looking for is a decisive man and decisive leadership,” she says.</blockquote>



Political analyst, Prince Mashele, ventures: “He is yet to
act on resolutions because he is navigating complex political infighting in the
ANC, which is why he can’t move boldly and faster…” 



Economic transformation has been seen to also imply
redistribution of the means of production, which currently has been reiterated
in the call for land redistribution without compensation. This is among the
duties citizens and investors will keep a close eye on as it is a contentious
matter.



Leading up to the elections, Ramaphosa said to apprehensive
farmers, “the land reform process is something we should never fear. It is
going to be done in terms of the constitution”. 



Heller says that, “the question of land is unresolved,
despite very solid ANC resolutions from branches, and despite extensive
consultation”. 



The president will to have to choose whether he wants to be investor-friendly or whether he wants the interests of his own political party to find expression in policy. 



“The investors have become the supreme branch of the ANC. So
Ramaphosa certainly, is spending a lot of time on their concerns rather than
ordinary people&#8230;,” Heller says.



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Mashele echoes: “He has been a market-friendly president. He
has railed against his comrades calling for the nationalization of the [South
African] Reserve Bank”.



Another matter influencing investment into the country is
red tape that inhibits instead of encouraging business. South Africa dropped
from 34 out of 181 countries on the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business ranking
in 2009 to 82 out of 192 countries last year, leaving the country trailing its
African peers, including Mauritius (20), Rwanda (29) and Kenya (61).



In his address to the nation, Ramaphosa continued with the
mantra thuma mina (which means ‘send me’) and committed to continue to build
South Africa. In his rebuilding, he will have to take a closer look at the factors
that infringe on those looking to conduct business while straddling the line in
ensuring that (natural) resources are not further depleted while failing to
trickle down to those who need it the most. 



Heller is of the view that the expectations created by the
president serve as a double-edged sword: “Some quarters have built him up to be
the Messiah we have all been waiting for. He may have embraced that but it’s
actually going to damage him. Because there is no individual who can save this
country without looking at doing serious things in terms of economic
restructuring… Until we address structural issues in this country, shifting the
economy to favor ordinary people, not markets, we actually aren’t very
benevolent.”



Also affecting business has been the view that South Africa is amongst the most corrupt on the continent and viewed as one of the murder capitals of the world. The Zondo Commission has illustrated the stark reality of the malfeasance the president will have to address to change these perceptions and in so doing, hold high-profile individuals accountable.



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&nbsp;In line with building
an equal society, the president made mention of the prevalence of violence
against women at his inauguration. 



“Let us end the dominion that men claim over women, the
denial of opportunity, the abuse and the violence, the neglect, and the
disregard of each person’s equal rights. Let us build a truly non-racial
society, one that belongs to all South Africans, and in which all South
Africans belong. Let us build a society that protects and values those who are
vulnerable and who for too long have been rendered marginal,” Ramaphosa said.



Leading up to the resolution of the president’s first 100
days in office, the public is watching with bated breath.&nbsp; 



“I pity him. He’s made big promises on housing and
unemployment. Those are not going to magically change overnight. The problem
with South Africa is that we love martyrs and here we have a president that we
have martyred and who is actually going to fall on that. To replace one man
with another, is not going to replace problematic policies, poor implementation
and poor conceptualization of economic solutions. So I think in the next 100
days, I don’t expect to see anything unless the fundamentals are changed,”
Heller says.&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;



No doubt, it is going to take a concerted effort from all
institutions, including those that have been revealed to be compromised. The
first 100 days will certainly determine the rest of the president’s term in
office.

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‘South Africans Love Martyrs’

FORBES AFRICA’s photojournalists immortalize the tension and elation of the South African elections in May that saw the African National Congress win for the sixth time since 1994.



<hr class="wp-block-separator"/>



In what was a landmark 25 years since the first democratic
elections, South Africa registered, voted and elected the African National
Congress (ANC) for the sixth time to govern the nation again for the next five
years. The 2019 elections saw many surprises and plenty more political action
compared to the previous polls.



&nbsp;In the run-up to
election day, political parties (48 in all) emphasized the country’s
socio-economic challenges such as unemployment, education, housing and the
contentious issue of land expropriation. &nbsp;



On May 8, the day the country cast its vote, voters woke
early to congregate and line up at the 22,924 voting stations strewn across the
country. 



<div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="410" height="556" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40745" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png.png 410w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png-300x407.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM3.png-221x300.png 221w" sizes="(max-width: 410px) 100vw, 410px" /><figcaption> FORBES AFRICA’s photojournalists immortalize the tension and elation of the South African elections in May that saw the African National Congress win for the sixth time since 1994. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla</figcaption></figure></div>



I was among them, a citizen also doubling as a
photojournalist on the quest to document this historic election, my camera
strapped around my neck and my constant companion.&nbsp; 



This Wednesday morning was particularly cold but voters were
in sweaters and armed with their identity books to have a say in South African
politics with an ‘X’ mark on the ballot paper. 



Mmusi Maimane, the leader of the opposition party, the
Democratic Alliance (DA), was among those at the Presbyterian Church in
Dobsonville, Soweto; the township where he was born.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="929" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40741" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png.png 929w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM1.png-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 929px) 100vw, 929px" /><figcaption> Mmusi Maimane, the leader of the opposition party, the Democratic Alliance. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



His arrival created a frenzy as international and local
media wrestled with each other for the perfect shot. 



After casting his vote and walking out of the church, he
addressed the public. 



“On such a historic day, it is important to vote in Soweto
with the people of Soweto to express hope and a future for our country. Soweto,
to me, represents the home of where the struggle is and now we’re entering into
a new struggle for jobs for many South Africans. I remember, vividly and well,
when I played in these streets and I remember too well the release of Nelson
Mandela, therefore today, I urge that we come and cast our votes,” Maimane
said.



He spoke about the new struggle.



“To me, there could be nothing more special, nothing more
historic than being able to express our future. Vote for the future of this
country and for the unemployed South Africans; it’s a new struggle and we are
fighting for the protection of freedom and advancement of freedom.”&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 



Post the election results, Maimane was the first DA leader
to not have grown more supporters, whereas the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF),
with the third highest number of votes, gained more in all South African
provinces except the Northern Cape. 



A few kilometers from Dobsonville is Mzimhlophe Hostel. A
hostel among many others in Soweto that erupted with service delivery protests
prior to the elections. On election day, it was more peaceful and locals were
going about their daily lives.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="923" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40742" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png.png 923w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png-300x201.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png-600x401.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM8.png-768x513.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 923px) 100vw, 923px" /><figcaption>Kwenzi Gwala standing outside what is left of his shack. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



In the same vicinity is a squatter camp (informal
settlement) allegedly set on fire weeks before the elections. 



Residents and brothers Mduduzi (32) and Kwenzi Gwala (22)
came to Johannesburg looking for employment.



“This is my first time voting this year; I wish the economy
could strengthen so we can move out of the squatter camps and live in houses.
Our camp burned around the Easter holidays while we were at church. We used to
sell African beer and our stock got burned along with the money and clothes
that were inside. All we have is what we are wearing now,” Kwenzi says. 



About 12 kilometers away was where national president and
president of the ANC Cyril Ramaphosa cast his vote in his hometown of Chiawelo,
at a local primary school. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="925" height="615" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40743" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png.png 925w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png-600x399.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM6.png-768x511.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 925px) 100vw, 925px" /><figcaption> National president and president of the ANC Cyril Ramaphosa cast his vote in his hometown of Chiawelo. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



The supporters of various parties, the media and voters were
out in full force to witness their president in Soweto.



“The nation and the people are energized. They can see their
votes are heralding a new dawn. This is a vote that reminds me of 1994 when the
people were just as excited as this because they were heralding a new period, a
new future for our country,” said Ramaphosa. 



“Today, this is what I am picking up, our people are excited
about what lies tomorrow and they want to vote for a government that is going
to serve them, that is going to address their needs and aspirations. So, I am
truly humbled by the turnout that I’ve seen here. 



“There is a great vibe and it’s a vibe for democracy, it’s a
vote also for our democratic system that we’ve been building over the last 25
years. So, 25 years later, we still have a nation that is breathing confidence
and excitement casting their vote. Today, I will go home to sleep very peacefully
like I did last night. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="929" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40744" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png.png 929w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/MM7.png-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 929px) 100vw, 929px" /><figcaption>Brother of South African journalist Shiraaz Mohamed, kidnapped in Syria on January 2017, begs for government intervention. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure>



“This vote is about confidence, it is about the future and
it is about us that are going to be elected to work a lot harder, much harder
than we have in the past to realize the ideals, wishes and hopes of our people,
so this, to me, is like a rocket booster for democracy and we are going to
build a great country because we will be doing so standing on the shoulders of
our people,” Ramaphosa said. 



Like the DA, the ANC lost more supporters nationally; Gauteng province was the gold prize, for the first time since 1999, the ANC had to battle to remain above 50% to secure the province.



&#8211;Motlabana Monnakgotla







<h2 class="wp-block-heading">Thumbs Up In&nbsp; Vibrant
Yeoville</h2>



The grey, gloomy weather did not dampen the excitement as
South African citizens, young and old, made their way to their respective
voting booths on May 8. 



First-time voters enthusiastically posted images of their
thumbs on social media after their turn polling. Twenty five years
post-apartheid, they did what voters in 1994 could not – flaunt their inky
fingers to the world.&nbsp; 



This year marked the sixth democratic elections since the
fall of racial segregation.



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="931" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40752" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1.png 931w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL4.png1-768x509.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 931px) 100vw, 931px" /><figcaption> Members of South Africa&#8217;s three biggest parties show unity during the South Africa 2019 elections. Picture: Gypseenia Lion</figcaption></figure>



When former President Nelson Mandela’s handcuffs were
removed, a nation was freed from years of brutal laws that marginalized people
of color in South Africa. 



As a young ‘colored’ woman born in 1995, there’s another
layer to my identity as a ‘born-free’ citizen. 



I use the terms ‘colored’ and ‘born-free’ loosely, only
because of the numerous socio-cultural connotations attached to my identity. 



<div class="wp-block-image"><figure class="aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="410" height="617" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40747" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png.png 410w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png-300x451.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL2.png-199x300.png 199w" sizes="(max-width: 410px) 100vw, 410px" /><figcaption> The South African flag could be seen everywhere during the 2019 South Africa elections. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure></div>



On May 8, I joined the scores of people from the lively Yeoville
suburb, once a cosmopolitan source of pride, but now largely associated with
crime and discord in Johannesburg. 



As a lone female photojournalist in one of the notorious
parts of the inner city, I found myself in the cold with a groveling stomach,
and without a cent to my name. 



The 1970s had seen Yeoville come alive as night clubs and
art and music galleries opened up along the neighbourhood’s main commercial
strip of Rocky Raleigh Street. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="926" height="616" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40748" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png.png 926w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png-300x200.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png-600x399.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL6.png-768x511.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 926px) 100vw, 926px" /><figcaption> Police officer survey elections in Yeoville. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



This was before the tightening of segregation policies. Under
apartheid, members of the community were strong supporters of the ANC and
mobilized around the organization when it had been officially banned. 



ANC stalwart Joe Slovo has his political roots in the
community. 



Yeoville’s political scene, just like the culture, was one
of the most vibrant in South Africa in the 1980s. 



It still is today, and on election day, it was even more
apparent as the top three contesting parties gathered outside the Yeoville
Recreation Center. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="926" height="618" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40749" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png.png 926w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png-300x200.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png-600x400.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL3.png-768x513.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 926px) 100vw, 926px" /><figcaption> A man who identifies as a feminist gets ready to cast his vote. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



The ANC, EFF and the DA were set up in front of the voting
station.&nbsp; 



The corner was filled with people singing and dancing to
struggle songs. 



Laughter and playful disputes broke out between party
members, and when a passer-by showed concern, an ANC comrade responded with a
trite: “We are a family here, no one is fighting.”&nbsp; 



As voting came to an end, light peeked through the clouds,
even as the crowd continued to sing, this time, more enthusiastically. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="925" height="614" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40750" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png.png 925w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL1.png-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 925px) 100vw, 925px" /><figcaption> The Yeoville community showed unrivalled hospitality and fed the reporter. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



The light, for them, was the ray of hope that their ‘X’
marks brought. 



On this day, there was no crime or chaos. The community
showed me unrivalled hospitality and fed me the whole day. 



Water, a chair or anything I needed for comfort was only a
request away. 



My camera loved them and they returned the love. 



<figure class="wp-block-image"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="927" height="613" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png.png" alt="" class="wp-image-40751" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png.png 927w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png-300x198.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png-600x397.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/GL7.png-768x508.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 927px) 100vw, 927px" /><figcaption> Yeoville residents get ready to cast their votes. Picture: Gypseenia Lion </figcaption></figure>



The future is questionable but for the people of Yeoville,
tomorrow is just another day filled with struggle. 



I returned to the office with a full stomach and a newfound love for a place I was initially apprehensive about.



-Gypseenia Lion

IN PICTURES | Looking Back At The Vibe Of The South African Elections

British Prime Minister Teresa May – just under three years into the job – says she will step down on June 7.



This follows a hammering, from both sides of the house, over her clumsy handling of the Brexit process. She has lost countless votes in Parliament over a Brexit deal and was seen by many in politics as weak and dithering. It is ironic that May herself voted to keep Britain in Europe, only to see her career expire as she struggled to make the opposite happen.



READ MORE | <a rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label="Chilling Words From The Man Who Broke The Bank Of England (opens in a new tab)" href="https://www.forbesafrica.com/economy/2019/03/12/chilling-words-from-the-man-who-broke-the-bank-of-england/" target="_blank">Chilling Words From The Man Who Broke The Bank Of England</a>



Her heartfelt farewell speech on the steps of Number 10
Downing Street concluded that she had done her best to make Britain a better
place not merely for the privileged few, but also for the whole population.



The supreme irony is that her shuffling off of the Prime
Minister’s job will see the shuffling in one of Britain’s best known members of
the privileged few. Eton and Oxford educated Boris Johnson is likely to step in
as leader of May’s Conservative party ahead of what surely is going to be a
snap election. &nbsp;&nbsp;

gettyimages-1151368907-594×594

May Will Be Gone In June Ending Months Of Political Battering And Speculation

May 8, a
landmark day for Africa’s second biggest economy. South Africans will cast
their votes for the country’s sixth general elections since the dawn of
democracy in 1994.



In the
run-up to the polls, the country saw flagrant protests in some parts, as disgruntled
citizens expressed disapproval of their stifling living conditions.&nbsp; 



In this
image, a resident of Alexandra, a township in the north of Johannesburg, squats
in the middle of a busy road leading to the opulent precincts of Sandton,
Africa’s richest square mile. &nbsp;



The
dichotomy of socio-economic circumstances is an accelerant in one of the
country’s poorest communities filled to the brim with squatter camps and the
restlessness of unemployment.

Poll Position: The South African 2019 Elections

A month before South Africa’s elections, one of the country’s leading political figures exposed a number of his former comrades for corruption with evidence to the Zondo Commission on State Capture. It was box office material, yet just another eventful period in the turbulent life of Robert McBride – guerrilla fighter, policeman and death row prisoner. 



<hr class="wp-block-separator"/>



Robert McBride has one of those faces full of character that looks like it has endured life as much as lived it. A glance through his tough years of struggle yields a list of reasons why: five years on death row to screams and tears of the condemned; scores of beatings over decades; shooting his way out of hospital; years of the shadowy and violent life of an underground guerrilla fighter.



McBride
was born in Wentworth, just outside Durban, in 1963, and grew up amid racist
insults and violence. It swiftly politicised him and he was taken into the
military wing of the African National Congress where he carried out sabotage
with explosives.



Even
by the standards of the desperate days of the gun in South Africa, McBride’s
political activity is remarkable. In 1986, McBride fought his way out of an
intensive care ward in a bizarre rescue of his childhood friend and fellow
fighter Gordon Webster. It happened at Edendale Hospital in Durban where
Webster lay, with tubes in his body, under police guard.



McBride
posed as a doctor, with an AK47 hidden in his white coat; his father, Derrick,
was dressed as a priest with a Makarov pistol under his cassock. The Truth and
Reconciliation Commission heard, in 1999, that hospital staff cheered them on
and held back an armed policeman as the McBrides shot their way out, pushing
the wounded Webster to freedom on a trolley.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 



Thirty-three-years on, McBride went into battle again for his beliefs, this time with words and documents, against a more insidious and formidable foe than armed police – corruption. He gave evidence before the Zondo Commission, in Johannesburg, springing from his days as head of IPID, the independent police investigators. 



He spent more than four days on the stand – longer than most cricket matches last these days. He told of missing police evidence, claims of sinister moves to remove corruption busters and the misappropriation of money, under a cloak of secrecy, by the crime intelligence agencies.     



“People
don’t like me because of my anti-corruption stance, their dislike of me I wear
as a badge of honour. Those who dislike me for other reasons, it is a free
country and you are entitled to your likes and dislikes. I have no problem with
you. But wherever I am, I will do my work and will always be against
corruption. I understand how corruption affects the ordinary man and means
there is so much less to go around,” he says.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;




To
give a little more context, McBride’s erstwhile job went with unpopularity. The
head of IPID is a post that politicians, plus probably more than a few
disgruntled policemen, wanted him out of. They ended his contract and he
assures me he is going to court to get his job back. His stance may give clues
as to why some wanted to see the back of him.



“I
have spoken loudly every time I have seen something wrong and raised unpopular
issues. Some of the issues we picked up early on was police involvement in
cash-in-transit robberies… The looting of police funds, the corruption, the
wastage and the leverage, we then began to understand it; the leverage that
some policeman have over politicians… Any criminal syndicate that is operating
requires police to help them otherwise they will be found out in the normal
course of events,” says McBride, the month before the hearing. 



“Rogue
activity by certain elements in the prosecuting authority, the willingness to
prosecute people for non-criminal acts and unwillingness to prosecute when
there is a pile of evidence…We will also speak about the abuse of state funds,
the abuse of power by the police by negating investigations. Most of our
evidence is backed up by court papers, evidence and affidavits,” he says.



Many
activists who saw the nasty, ugly, side of the struggle often are the first to
come down, hard, when they feel freedoms they fought for are being abused. You
could argue McBride, an intelligent thinker, is very much one of them.



You
could also argue that McBride has been cut adrift by many former comrades and
demonized as the Magoo’s Bar bomber – the 1986 car bomb on the Durban
beachfront that killed three and wounded scores. Others, on both sides of the
South African struggle, who issued orders, or did worse, are undisturbed and
anonymous by their swimming pools. Any regrets? I ask. 



“It’s
like asking me ‘do I regret living in a free and democratic country’, the
answer can’t be yes… We would have preferred that things went differently. If
you are in an armed struggle, you are the cause of hurt to other people and as
a political activist, as a revolutionary you can defend that and justify it. 



“But
as a human being, you know that when it concerns other people, it is not the
right thing to do to cause the hurt of other people. I have expressed myself as
a human being on this, not because I was trying to elicit any sympathy or
anything; I have never asked for redemption, I have never asked for
forgiveness. Those who know me know what I am about and those who understand
the circumstances in the early 1980s when we became active; those who are old
enough to remember that was what the circumstances were.” 



Those
circumstances recede further into the darkness of memory of democratic South
Africa every year, yet, in the minds of those who suffered, it stays pin sharp.
McBride spent five years on death row, in Pretoria, after being sentenced to
the gallows for the Durban bombings. 



He
reckons the prison hanged more than 300 prisoners in this time. Through the
cell door, he heard the condemned screaming and crying as warders dragged the
condemned along the passages to their fate. The hanging warders used to bring
back the bloody hoods from the gallows and force the next batch of condemned
men to wash them.



In
May 1990, the sun shone as hope visited death row in Pretoria. The prison
management summoned McBride and a group of fellow condemned activists, to the
main office at the maximum security prison. Each were given green prison
jackets – the garb of special occasions. Warders drove them, in a van, to a
distant part of the prison and all feared they were either going to be executed
or allowed to escape and shot in the back. 



“We
were told not to talk and then we were put in this big room with a steel of
security around the room and after about 45 minutes the former president
(Mandela) walked in and it was the most beautiful sight on earth; the greatest
feeling ever and when he walks in, he says: ‘Ah, Robert! How are you!’ As if he
knew me forever. It was the most important meeting I had in my life. It was
like a God-like environment. He gave us a rundown of negotiations and what can
be expected and that we must not worry, we must be patient and sit tight, he
knows all of our backgrounds and will do his utmost to get us released and we
will never be forgotten.”



It
took more than two more years, in the shadow of the noose… until a fateful
Friday. September 25, 1992. McBride will never forget the date.



“Round
about half past four in the afternoon, I got a call to come to the office, I
didn’t know what it was about, and when I came there, the head of the prison
said: ‘You have a phone call’. It was my first phone call in prison. On the
other end of the line was comrade Cyril Ramaphosa and he says: ‘Hi chief’. I keep
quiet and then he says: ‘Monday’. I say: ‘What’s happening Monday chief?’ He
keeps quiet, then he says: ‘You are going home!’ There was a bit of a smile you
could feel in his voice,” says McBride with a huge smile on his face.



Long
after Mandela had completed his long walk to freedom for his country, McBride
was to yet again hear the click of a prison key and feel the pain from a
warder’s boot. 



It
was the summer of 1998 and in Maputo, the sea was warm and the prawns were hot.
The police in Mozambique picked up McBride, then a high-ranking official in
foreign affairs, on alleged gun running charges that appeared to be trumped up
to us journalists. We scoured the streets of the capital, for weeks, in search
of witnesses. 



McBride
argued that he was on an undercover operation for the National Intelligence
Agency trying to uncover gun runners who were flooding neighbouring South
Africa with illegal weapons and fuelling crime; a counter that eventually set
him free. 



Despite
this, McBride spent six months in the capital’s notorious, grim, Machava
maximum security prison, where he told me violence was meted out.



I
covered that story for many months and came within a split ace of interviewing
McBride in his cell. We spent hours plying the Portuguese-speaking warders with
beer and the story, through an interpreter, that we were friends visiting from
South Africa and we just wanted to say hello. We told them our friend was a big
man in South Africa.



“He
is a small man now,” smiled back one of the warders icily. 



We
convinced the guards and as they moved towards the prison doors, keys in hand,
our cover was blown. One of the not too bright colleagues from our TV station
strolled into the prison waving his press card.



“Hello
Chris!” says he. The none-too-pleased prison guards threw us out. 



I
had to wait more than 20 years for my interview with McBride.



A
phrase I always remembered from those many hot, crazy, days in Maputo was a
quote we got from the late presidential spokesperson Ronnie Mamoepa when
McBride went behind bars yet again.



“He
is a tough guy who can look after himself,” said Mamoepa.



The Zondo
Commission and scores of corrupt policemen last month found out how tough.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Robert-McBride

A Tale Of Two Presidents And One Phone Call To Freedom

It has been argued by many that the 2019 general election is going to be a watershed election. In other words, it is going to be the most competitive election since the advent of democracy in 1994. 



While this assumption may have been closer to reality before the resignation of Jacob Zuma as president of the Republic of South Africa in February 2018, I would not be surprised if the performance of the African National Congress (ANC) defied these expectations. 



For me, the irony is that it is Cyril Ramaphosa, one of the weakest leaders in the history of the ANC, who may pull the ruling party away from the electoral calamity Zuma’s ignominious presidency would have inflicted on the ANC, had it survived beyond 2018. 



A further irony lies in the fact that Ramaphosa is not only a lame-duck ANC leader who cannot govern without the consent of his opponents in the ruling party, but is also the head of a ‘new dawn’ project that has, to a large degree, become the ‘new yawn.’ 



READ MORE | <a href="https://www.forbesafrica.com/opinion/2019/04/27/over-the-rainbow-25-years-of-freedom-for-south-africa/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label="Over The Rainbow: 25 Years Of Freedom For South Africa (opens in a new tab)">Over The Rainbow: 25 Years Of Freedom For South Africa</a>



Contrary to expectations, the election of Ramaphosa as president of both party and country has not alleviated the image crisis of the ANC. In some ways, the gap between the ideals of the ANC and what the party has become is wider despite the (sometimes bellicose) calls and promises of unity and self-correction by many a party leader. 



At leadership level, the ANC remains divided and factionalized. Evidence that is being led in the different commissions of inquiry paints a picture of a former liberation movement whose members and leaders have become quite adept at things venal and corrupt. 



The ANC has become a metaphor for rent-seeking, state capture and the poor service delivery of the local state. 



In short, because of the state of the ruling party, the ANC should be trounced in these elections. Given the hollowness and shallowness of the alternatives, the ANC will suffer contractions in electoral support but will not lose power at national level. 



Put differently, notwithstanding the gap between the procedural and substantive aspects of our democracy, the levels of substantive uncertainty in our electoral politics will improve but will remain relatively low. 



In other words, despite the gap between what our constitution’s promises, on the one hand, and what our democracy actually delivers, on the other, the contractions the ANC will suffer in the May 8 elections will probably be felt more at provincial level than at national level. Why?



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">First, according to recent polls, Ramaphosa’s approval rating, which is at about 55%, is not only higher than that of the ruling party but is also higher than that of the leaders of the main opposition parties. </blockquote>



This means that, despite the dismal state of qualitative decline of the ruling party at a leadership, intellectual, moral and strategic level, and despite Ramaphosa’s own subjective weaknesses as a leader, his approval rating will pull the ANC up. 



What will save the ANC, therefore, is the fact that its internal crisis is a subset of the broader crisis in our politics. 



Therefore, in addition to the Ramaphosa factor, the ANC will be saved from significant shifts in electoral support by the generalized crisis in our politics as well as the credibility deficit that has become one of the defining features of the political class of our country. In this regard, the state of opposition politics is instructive. 



A cursory look at the state of the official opposition, the Democratic Alliance (DA), tells the story of a party that is at sixes and sevens. The sociology and political economy of race in South Africa remains an unshakable albatross around the necks of the DA and its first black leader, Mmusi Maimane. 



Many, if not most, black voters still regard the DA as a racist party of whiteness, white capital and white interests. Objectively, it may not be true that the DA is a party of white minority interests. 



What matters, though, in electoral politics are the subjective perceptions of voters. As long as black voters continue to see the DA as a white party, the inroads the party makes into the traditional support base of the ANC will not be enough to dislodge the ANC as the ruling party. 



In my view, the DA is not a white party. It is a majority black party of white minority interests. 



Despite the fact that, under the tutelage of its former leader, Helen Zille, it succeeded in increasing its black membership and support, I still maintain that racism is not a dynamic that is completely external to the party. 



READ MORE | <a href="https://www.forbesafrica.com/focus/2019/02/10/the-claim-that-democracy-fares-better-in-the-west-than-in-africa-is-a-fallacy/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener" aria-label="The Claim That Democracy Fares Better in the West Than in Africa Is a Fallacy (opens in a new tab)">The Claim That Democracy Fares Better in the West Than in Africa Is a Fallacy</a>



Also, I still contend that its ambivalence towards policy measures such as Black Economic Empowerment, affirmative action, land reform and employment equity despite the fact that, rhetorically, it now accepts that race remains a key indicator and predictor of disadvantage in South Africa, is a function of its colonial and paternalistic mindset. 



In addition, the DA will continue to perform below the levels desired by its leaders as long as black voters continue to regard Maimane as a puppet of white interests. 



I don’t share the view that Maimane is a puppet but do believe that there are too many in the party who see themselves as ventriloquists because of the colonial and paternalistic mindset of their whiteness, which I allude to above. 



My expectation, therefore, is that the DA is not going to breach the 30% threshold of which it has been desirous for some time. In fact, it will probably improve on its 2014 performance but may not reach 25%. 



If this happens, Maimane will be removed as party leader before or at the next Federal Congress of the party because of his failure to preside effectively over the DA’s internal racial policy and ideological tensions. If the black caucus of the party remains strong, Maimane will be succeeded by a black leader. 



Otherwise, his successor will be a white man. On the other hand, if the turnout of ANC voters is critically low and a sizable number of those who turn up vote for the DA and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), this scenario may not eventuate. 



Will the EFF benefit from the DA’s divisions at a racial, ideological and policy level?



The tragedy of South African politics is that it still does not have a political culture of strong opposition and the alternation of power between political parties despite the plurality of choices available to voters. 



By so saying, I am not aligning myself with the narrow and conservative conceptions of democratic consolidation which liberal democratic theorists always try to impose on the intended beneficiaries or victims of western modernity outside Europe and America. 



All I am saying is that single party dominance has been part of South African politics since 1948. The National Party was the ruling party from 1948 until 1994, and the ANC has been in power since 1994. The ANC will be in power, probably with a reduced majority, after the May 8 general election. 



The EFF will probably do better at provincial than at national level. We must not rule out the possibility that the ANC may lose power in Gauteng. Its own internal research suggests that it will fall below 50% in this province if it does not mount a serious effort. 



In the scenario, the EFF will be part of a coalition government in Gauteng because no party is likely to win an outright majority. Whether the ANC will be part of such a coalition government, in this scenario, will depend on the size of its relative majority if it does win such a majority. 



The EFF will put up a strong challenge in the North West province where it has strong support, and ANC support is dwindling. 



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow">Therefore, we cannot rule out the possibility that the EFF, on its own, or together with other parties, will dislodge the ANC in this province. </blockquote>



In the Limpopo Province, where, as is the case in the North West, the EFF is the official opposition, it will either dislodge or come very close to dislodging the ANC as the ruling party. 



At national level, the EFF has a problem. Its messaging resonate with many in the ANC support base. The problem is that the majority of voters do not believe the EFF is fit to govern. Therefore, I expect the EFF to improve on the 6% it garnered in 2014 and settle just below, or above, 10%.



Will this election deliver change? If it does, it will not do so significantly. Ramaphosa’s subjective weaknesses and limitations as a leader will show up much more strongly after the general election. His inability to make tough choices will become more apparent, with his disciples describing him as the consummate player of ‘the long game’. He will still not be able to govern without the consent of his opponents in the ANC.



-Aubrey Matshiqi is a Financial Mail rated political analyst for the second year in a row. He is also one of South Africa’s most in-demand speakers on the subject of the political state of the nation. 



-Opinions expressed by Forbes Africa contributors are their own Ticking the right boxes: Will the elections come down to the wire?

Ballot box with national flag on background – South Africa

Ticking The Right Boxes: Will The South African Elections Come Down To The Wire?

In the afternoon on what was a public holiday in South Africa, news started trickling in of Winnie Nomzamo Madikizela-Mandela’s death, of illness at the Netcare Milpark Hospital in Johannesburg. She was 81.



On 2 April 2018 South Africa would mourn her passing for the next couple of weeks. As would the world.



<ul class="wp-block-gallery columns-3 is-cropped wp-block-gallery-1 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex"><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="302" height="416" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie1.png" alt="" data-id="39964" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39964" class="wp-image-39964" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie1.png 302w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie1-300x413.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie1-218x300.png 218w" sizes="(max-width: 302px) 100vw, 302px" /><figcaption>Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure></li><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="407" height="594" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/winnie3.png" alt="" data-id="39965" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39965" class="wp-image-39965" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/winnie3.png 407w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/winnie3-300x438.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/winnie3-206x300.png 206w" sizes="(max-width: 407px) 100vw, 407px" /><figcaption>Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and daughter Zindzi. Picture: Motlabana Monnakgotla </figcaption></figure></li></ul>



Mama Winnie was gone, marking the end of an era, yet in death, rekindling memories of a painful apartheid past, against which she fought valiantly, controversially; the fearless, feisty fighter who famously clenched her fist to rallying cries of ‘amandla’ (Zulu word for ‘power’), had clenched her fists forever. 



A hero had departed.



Anti-apartheid activist, politician, struggle stalwart and ex-wife of South Africa’s former President Nelson Mandela, Madikizela-Mandela was known as the Mother of the Nation.



<ul class="wp-block-gallery columns-3 is-cropped wp-block-gallery-2 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex"><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="925" height="611" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie5.png" alt="" data-id="39966" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39966" class="wp-image-39966" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie5.png 925w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie5-300x198.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie5-600x396.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie5-768x507.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 925px) 100vw, 925px" /></figure></li><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="924" height="613" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie8.png" alt="" data-id="39967" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39967" class="wp-image-39967" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie8.png 924w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie8-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie8-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie8-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 924px) 100vw, 924px" /></figure></li></ul>



<ul class="wp-block-gallery columns-3 is-cropped wp-block-gallery-3 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex"><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="925" height="618" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie9.png" alt="" data-id="39968" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39968" class="wp-image-39968" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie9.png 925w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie9-300x200.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie9-600x401.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie9-768x513.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 925px) 100vw, 925px" /></figure></li><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="927" height="615" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie13.png" alt="" data-id="39969" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39969" class="wp-image-39969" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie13.png 927w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie13-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie13-600x398.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie13-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 927px) 100vw, 927px" /></figure></li></ul>



Day six after Madikizela-Mandela’s death, hundreds gathered for a tribute ceremony to honor her at Constitutional Hill, where she was prisoner number 1323/69 when jailed by the apartheid government in the last century.



“It’s really hard to stand here, we are sore. ‘Big Mama’ as we called her, took us by surprise,” said Ndileka Mandela, Madikizela-Mandela’s eldest granddaughter before breaking down on stage, and was thereafter warmly comforted by Graça Machel, former first lady and wife of the late South African president Mandela.



“Winnie was my big sister, I take long to process pain, I prefer to be quiet to feel and understand it. It is too early to process the pain we are going through,” said Machel.



<ul class="wp-block-gallery columns-3 is-cropped wp-block-gallery-4 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex"><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="925" height="612" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie6.png" alt="" data-id="39974" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39974" class="wp-image-39974" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie6.png 925w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie6-300x198.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie6-600x397.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie6-768x508.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 925px) 100vw, 925px" /></figure></li><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="927" height="616" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie11.png" alt="" data-id="39975" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39975" class="wp-image-39975" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie11.png 927w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie11-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie11-600x399.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie11-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 927px) 100vw, 927px" /></figure></li></ul>



<ul class="wp-block-gallery columns-3 is-cropped wp-block-gallery-5 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex"><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="407" height="620" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie7.png" alt="" data-id="39972" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39972" class="wp-image-39972" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie7.png 407w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie7-300x457.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie7-197x300.png 197w" sizes="(max-width: 407px) 100vw, 407px" /></figure></li><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="411" height="615" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie12.png" alt="" data-id="39973" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39973" class="wp-image-39973" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie12.png 411w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie12-300x449.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie12-200x300.png 200w" sizes="(max-width: 411px) 100vw, 411px" /></figure></li></ul>



 The funeral on April 14; a Saturday morning that brought together tens of thousands of mourners at Orlando Stadium, for the day their Mother would be laid to rest. 



The mourners cheered, cried, and stood up raising their fists, chanting and shouting Mama Winnie’s name. At that very moment, blood rushed through our veins.



It felt like the whole stadium was shaking but in reality, photographers were pushing and shoving to get the perfect picture, that historic picture; and it was something we most definitely captured too.



<ul class="wp-block-gallery columns-3 is-cropped wp-block-gallery-6 is-layout-flex wp-block-gallery-is-layout-flex"><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="927" height="616" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie14.png" alt="" data-id="39970" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39970" class="wp-image-39970" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie14.png 927w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie14-300x199.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie14-600x399.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie14-768x510.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 927px) 100vw, 927px" /></figure></li><li class="blocks-gallery-item"><figure><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="926" height="611" src="https://www.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie15.png" alt="" data-id="39971" data-link="https://www.forbesafrica.com/?attachment_id=39971" class="wp-image-39971" srcset="https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie15.png 926w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie15-300x198.png 300w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie15-600x396.png 600w, https://cms.forbesafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Winnie15-768x507.png 768w" sizes="(max-width: 926px) 100vw, 926px" /></figure></li></ul>

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