Globally, it is a rarity for courts to nullify presidential election results; in Africa this was totally outlandish – that is until the Supreme Court in Kenya on September 1, 2017 annulled the re-election of Uhuru Kenyatta.
The shock that followed the Supreme Court verdict reverberated across Africa and is unlikely to die anytime soon, especially in Kenya where successive general elections have been dogged by concern of vote rigging and political instability, as highlighted by the violence that followed a disputed 2007 election when more than 1,200 people were killed.
“The Supreme Court decision for a repeat of the presidential election means Kenyans have an opportunity to truly elect a leader through the ballot  as per the Constitution and without manipulation of votes,” says John Mwandu, a political analyst in Nairobi.
The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) has tentatively scheduled the rematch between President Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga for October 17, 2017.
But as campaigns for the new election got underway, the fear of violence that has characterized recent Kenyan elections has only intensified as both sides rallied their supporters.
“While one could understand the initial euphoria and outrage that greeted the ruling, sobriety should have taken over as the dust settled and the reality of the ruling sunk in. However, each day has brought a new barrage of threats, insults, half-truths and ethnic slurs that do not augur well for a peaceful outcome in six weeks,” Gabriel Dolan, a Catholic priest based in Kenya’s second-largest city of Mombasa said in a commentary.
“In fact, the country appears to be more polarized now than before last month’s general election,” he added.
Kenyatta’s campaigns for the new elections have dwelled on bashing the Supreme Court for allegedly going against the will of the majority by nullifying the August 18, 2017 election results in which he was declared the winner by a margin of 1.4 million votes against rival Odinga.
Just hours after the Supreme Court handed its decision, Kenyatta called the Chief Justice David Maraga, and the three other judges who supported the verdict, crooks. His successive campaigns have since taken on a similar pose of hard-stance politics and personal attacks both against the Judiciary and Odinga. Kenyatta has repeatedly called his rival a witch doctor, a perennial loser and one full of riddles.
Odinga has too adopted a similar fashion of campaigns and regularly made personal attacks against Kenyatta. The veteran opposition leader, for instance, accused the president of making a televized national address while drunk. He also called Kenyatta a thief who should be languishing in jail for stealing elections.
“It is unfortunate that the campaign messages have turned personal and animosity is getting to a fever pitch among the supporters of both candidates. It is no longer about policies but hate speech and insults which is dangerous as the country goes back to elections. There may be violence at the end of it all,” says Mwandu.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/politics/2017/09/05/kenyas-supreme-court-given-impossible-deadline-repeat-election/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">READ MORE: Kenya&#8217;s Supreme Court has given an impossible deadline for the repeat election</a>
Hate speech from supporters of Kenyatta and Odinga have spread to social media, where some of them openly insulted and threatened each other.
Analysts say the Supreme Court verdict offers an opportunity to streamline Kenya’s electoral system that has been synonymous with systemic cheating.
“What the ruling did was put temporary brakes on the rollercoaster of impunity that has characterized almost every election in Kenya,” wrote Rasna Warah in a column in Kenya’s largest newspaper, Daily Nation.
“The ruling may not end impunity in Kenya’s electoral processes but it will have a far-reaching psychological impact on the citizens, who have been led to believe that peace is synonymous with justice,” she added.
In 2013, Odinga filed a case in the Supreme Court against Kenyatta’s election but it was thrown out on technicalities – leaving many suspicious over the conduct of the IEBC. Dissatisfied with the court decision, the opposition held a series of demonstrations that forced the disbandment of the commission ahead of this year’s elections.
But, with the radical court action, this time there is hope of laying bare the activities of the IEBC and restore legitimacy to Kenya’s elections.
“If there have been crooks manipulating voting outcomes in Kenya then things may be different going forward because the Supreme Court has proved impunity and blatant disregard of the law is punishable,” says Mweni Matheka, a governance researcher.
Other sovereign institutions, including the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), the Office of the Auditor-General and the IEBC itself, may want to borrow a leaf from the Supreme Court and assert their independence.
All these institutions have been subject to political pressures, especially when their work went against the whims of the government.
Just after the August 8 polls, Leader of Government Business in Parliament, Aden Duale, declared that the ruling coalition would use its majority in Parliament to oust Auditor-General Edward Ouko whose office has had run-ins with the executive over explosive audit reports that showed theft and misuse of public funds.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/politics/2017/08/11/kenyas-2017-poll-palpable-tension-progress-status-quo/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">READ MORE: Kenya&#8217;s 2017 poll: palpable tension between progress and the status quo</a>
The IEBC has not been spared the heat from both the executive and the opposition, especially after the bungled polls. Both sides have demanded to have a say in the composition of the IEBC team that will manage the repeat polls.
But in separate letters to the ruling Jubilee coalition Secretary-General Raphael Tuju and the opposition National Super Alliance Co-Principal Musalia Mudavadi, IEBC Chairman Wafula Chebukati on September 6 said the commission reserved the right to make changes without being directed by any of the political groups.
“Please note that the commission is an independent constitutional body, which as per Article 249 of the Constitution shall not be subject to direction or control by any person or authority,” Chebukati said in his letter to Tuju.
“It is therefore unacceptable for you to provide a list of staff that you direct us not to consider for the project team.”
The business community looks forward to conclusion of the elections to restore normalcy in the economy. The Kenya National Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KNCCI) estimates that the country’s economy has lost Sh21.3 billion ($210 million) since the Supreme Court ruling, as investors adopted a wait-and-see attitude. &#8211; Written by Allan Akombo

‘There May Be Violence At The End Of It All’

The Kenyan Supreme Court has found that the August 8 presidential election result is invalid. It blames the electoral commission, not the declared winner, Uhuru Kenyatta. Kenya’s leading newspaper praises the decision as a <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/Editorial/Supreme-Court-ruling-has-restored-rule-of-law-/440804-4079912-3cupekz/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">step towards the rule of law</a>, but I am less sure about what this means for the ability of the political establishment to stick to the terms of the country’s constitution.
The Supreme Court has given the country 60 days to hold fresh elections. The time period is in accordance with section 140 (3) of the <a href="http://www.kenyalaw.org/lex/actview.xql?actid=Const2010" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Constitution</a>, but the court failed to tell the public exactly what the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission <a href="https://www.iebc.or.ke/">(IEBC)</a> had done wrong. This leaves Kenya with a compromised commission rerunning an election.
Chief Justice David Maraga <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bLEQ72t2czs&amp;t=1216s" target="_blank" rel="noopener">noted that</a> the court had previously failed to provide a full judgment on the 2013 elections and this had not been received well. He then did exactly the same. Of course, the court had to provide a judgment on the opposition’s petition within 14 days, as stipulated by the Constitution. This is the period before the president-elect is inaugurated. The court would have sparked a constitutional crisis if it had not made any decision.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/politics/2017/06/15/will-decide-kenyan-election-dose-faith-tribe-hard-cash/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What Will Decide The Kenyan Election? A Dose Of Faith, Tribe And Hard Cash</a>
But by not explaining how the IEBC has failed, the court has created a problem. It’s impossible to organize the next election and reform the commission in the time given.
<h2>Time pressure</h2>
The court gave itself up to 21 more days to deliver its full judgment. This would leave the country with only 39 days before the fresh election. Already, opposition leader Raila Odinga has <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001253339/raila-declares-fresh-war-on-iebc-lambasts-international-community" target="_blank" rel="noopener">declared</a> that his coalition will refuse to participate in presidential elections under the current leadership of the IEBC.
But, as a newspaper commentator <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001253324/why-it-s-not-feasible-to-replace-iebc-commissioners" target="_blank" rel="noopener">observes</a>, it’s just not feasible to remove IEBC commissioners without a tribunal, which is then reviewed by parliament. Complicating matters further, three citizens have filed a <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001253334/three-kenyans-want-iebc-commissioners-barred-from-polls" target="_blank" rel="noopener">separate petition</a> to ask the courts to remove certain IEBC officials over their wrongdoing.
Even once the full judgment is handed down within 21 days of the ruling, it probably won’t indicate criminality at the level of individuals. The Supreme Court was asked only to determine the validity of the election overall. Its full judgment can indicate how the process of the election must be improved.
The election was judged to be void because the electoral commission was at fault. This suggests it must change its procedures – and perhaps its personnel – if better elections are to take place. A new election must avoid the errors of the previous one.
Political scholar Gabrielle Lynch <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/Opinion/Key-lessons-for-election-team-as-Kenyans-return-to-ballot-/440808-4079934-roelpv/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">explains</a> some of the corrections that have to be made. These include the process for transmitting results, the use of security forces and the uneven use of state resources.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/politics/2017/08/28/election-unlikely-herald-change-angolans-clamouring/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Election unlikely to herald the change Angolans have been clamouring for</a>
Few of these suggested corrections will be feasible within the allotted timeframe.
<h2>Serious problems</h2>
Indeed, the problems are serious. Months before the election was held, the courts <a href="http://www.nybooks.com/daily/2017/08/30/kenya-the-election-and-the-cover-up/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">ordered</a> the IEBC to stop printing ballot papers, because of <a href="http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/Dispute-ballot-printing-tender-Kenyan-election/2558-3974504-2no9fv/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">claims</a> that the Dubai-based firm Ghurair held too many links to Kenyatta.
The claim against Ghurair was <a href="https://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2017/07/20/nasa-loses-cross-appeal-on-uhuru-links-to-al-ghurair_c1600686" target="_blank" rel="noopener">dismissed</a> due to insufficient evidence. But part of the IEBC’s successful defence against the court order was the time pressure of having to hold an election in a few months’ time. If time pressure was a valid reason then, why would it not be now? Why would an even more rushed election be credible?
The <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2017/08/03/africa/kenya-election-official-chris-msando/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">murder</a> of the IEBC’s IT manager, Chris Msando, will now be under even closer scrutiny by the media. But even if the crime was directly related to the muddled tallying of votes, there isn’t time before the rerun to find individuals guilty. It is highly unlikely the full Supreme Court judgment will touch upon this tense topic. And that further reduces the credibility of the current IEBC.
<h2>Credibility concerns</h2>
The wider concerns with the IEBC date <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Shadow-Kenyan-Democracy-Widespread-Expectations/dp/147246768X" target="_blank" rel="noopener">back to</a> the “Chickengate” scandal. A UK court found a UK firm had <a href="http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/How-UK-sleuths-unearthed-Kenya-scandal/-/539546/2527142/-/12a1fcrz/-/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">bribed</a> the IEBC (then the Interim Independent Electoral Commission) to get the contract to print ballot papers for the 2010 Kenyan constitutional referendum.
The UK co-conspirators were <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-sussex-31444228" target="_blank" rel="noopener">found guilty</a>. But no-one from the Kenyan side was put behind bars by Kenyan courts. This created mistrust of the IEBC leaders. The current crisis will revive past anxieties like these, but leave no time for meaningful reform.
In Kenyan elections, local witnesses must sign the official forms to say the local tally is accurate. Central tallying organized electronically must then match with these local forms. The election is considered free and fair if this is done properly. The Supreme Court has ruled that both the IEBC as a whole and its chairperson, Wafula Chebukati, are responsible for the failure on 8 August.
Chebukati has <a href="http://nairobinews.nation.co.ke/news/chebukati-storm-not-quitting/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">refused to stand down</a>. His response doesn’t boost public confidence in the institution. If the public is to trust the rerun, he must go.
<h2>Asking for more time</h2>
The IEBC should then petition the Supreme Court to give it more time.
It was done before, when the 2013 election was <a href="http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/oped/comment/Unrealistic-timelines-blame-for-Kenya-electoral-flaws/434750-3798034-ecoaogz/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">delayed</a> because of the difficulty of implementing aspects of the new Constitution.
Section 86 of the Constitution requires the IEBC to collate the results of an election openly and accurately. At present, it can’t meet this requirement because it does not know what it must do differently from before. The IEBC should therefore depend on Section 86 when it asks the Supreme Court for more time. &#8211; Written by <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/dominic-burbidge-405209" target="_blank" rel="author noopener">Dominic Burbidge</a>, Postdoctoral Researcher, Faculty of Law, University of Oxford
Originally published in <a href="https://theconversation.com/africa" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Conversation</a>
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Kenya’s Supreme Court has given an impossible deadline for the repeat election

Kenya’s 2017 polls will be remembered as the election of minor gains and confounding contradictions.
In the run up to polling, public discontent appeared to have been largely driven by the unprecedented sophistication in <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000181261/corruption-tribalism-conspire-to-hold-kenya-to-ransom" target="_blank" rel="noopener">graft</a> and <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/Tribalism-Ethnicity-NCIC-Francis-ole-Kaparo/1064-2661730-6enm4cz/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">tribalism</a> in the President Uhuru Kenyatta’s government.
But both Kenyatta and opposition candidate Raila Odinga demonstrated a <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2017/08/08/who-are-the-two-men-competing-to-be-president-of-kenya/?utm_term=.12bf77ed5942" target="_blank" rel="noopener">weak</a> <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/business/article/2000030197/raila-s-family-was-involved-in-maize-scandal-claim-us-cables" target="_blank" rel="noopener">commitment</a> to tackling corruption. In fact, neither of them articulated a bold agenda to <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/Nasa-launches-manifesto/1064-3989916-fb7nmtz/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">roll back</a> <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2017/06/26/uhuruto-launch-jubilee-manifesto-ahead-of-august-poll_c1586475" target="_blank" rel="noopener">graft</a>.
As the grand finale of a <a href="http://www.newsweek.com/kenya-elections-kenya-president-uhuru-kenyatta-raila-odinga-647526" target="_blank" rel="noopener">dynastic struggle</a> between the Odinga and Kenyatta families, both candidates boldly manipulated the ethnic formula while their supporters once again demonstrated a stubborn fixation with traditional voting patterns. This is reflected in the <a href="http://results.ke.nation.news/kenya/president.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">results </a>from the presidential candidates’ ethnic strongholds.
Despite these failings, the Kenyan people handed Kenyatta a comfortable second term.
On top of this, some of the blunders and disturbing <a href="https://www.hrw.org/blog-feed/kenya-elections-2017" target="_blank" rel="noopener">trends</a> witnessed in previous elections were repeated. These included social media <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-options-for-kenya-as-an-impending-election-fuels-fear-of-hate-speech-71913" target="_blank" rel="noopener">hate speech</a>; a high-profile <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2017/08/04/probe-msando-murder-quickly-poll-observers_c1609972" target="_blank" rel="noopener">murder</a>; <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/Kenya-presidential-election-results-2017/1056-4050770-format-xhtml-3s06wy/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">poor communication</a> from the electoral commission when it came to relaying results; inadequate voter education; and <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2017/08/09/video-raila-rejects-provisional-results-terms-them-fraudulent-fake_c1613061" target="_blank" rel="noopener">inflammatory statements</a> by leading figures when provisional election results were released.
<h2>Mixed results</h2>
At the national level, Kenyans seem to have repeated a monotonous script that suggests a resistance to learning from past mistakes.
At the micro level, the results were mixed, delivering both positive and negative outcomes. Promising candidates such as social-justice activist Boniface Mwangi, who campaigned on a platform of ethics and integrity, <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2017/08/09/boniface-mwangi-concedes-after-jaguar-takes-lead-in-starehe_c1613123" target="_blank" rel="noopener">failed</a> to make the cut. But others, like Anne Waiguru, a former cabinet secretary implicated in <a href="http://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2017/04/waiguru-routs-governor-ndathi-kirinyaga-jubilee-primary/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">corruption</a> and Professor Anyang Nyong’o, whose nomination was <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/Tribunal-cancels-Anyang--Nyong-o-poll-victory/1064-3911590-12v5ncu/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">contested</a> in the primaries, pulled through.
On the positive side, three women made forays into <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2017/08/09/kenyas-first-women-governors-ngilu-laboso-waiguru-flying-high-after_c1613173" target="_blank" rel="noopener">governorships</a> thus paving the way for more women to join the fray in future. And in some regions like Eastern Province, people resisted major political party dominance by re-electing <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001250828/governor-mutua-re-elected-as-wavinya-ndeti-vows-to-challenge-results" target="_blank" rel="noopener">individuals</a> from minor parties, which is laudable.
At the same time, some regions such as Rift Valley province maintained their strong Jubilee Party leanings as seen in the punitive ouster of <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001250744/early-results-show-ruto-trailing-laboso-in-bomet-county" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Isaac Ruto</a> who ditched the Jubilee Party for his own Chama cha Mashinani.
These dynamics are suggestive of a palpable tension between progress and the status quo. It remains to be seen which will prevail.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/politics/2017/06/15/will-decide-kenyan-election-dose-faith-tribe-hard-cash/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What Will Decide The Kenyan Election? A Dose OF Faith, Tribe And Hard Cash</a>
<h2>Only one winner</h2>
Ultimately, there could only be one winner between the two presidential choices. President Kenyatta was poised to clinch a <a href="https://theconversation.com/kenyatta-or-odinga-why-dynastic-politics-is-alive-and-well-in-kenya-80732" target="_blank" rel="noopener">second term</a> for obvious reasons. He is highly personable and seems to enjoy strong political chemistry with his supporters. He also boasts strong social media credentials – he skipped this year’s presidential debate, opting instead to directly engage his supporters on Facebook.
With the incumbency in his favour, he campaigned on the platform of his first term <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/Uhuru-says-Jubilee-track-record-good-for-second-term/1064-4041342-h77pbs/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">track record</a> and projected the confidence to finish the job.
But there was also something more sinister that played in his favour. He has perfected the art of <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/raila-links-uhuru-family-to-alleged-loss-at-health-ministry/1056-3433818-mklw4iz/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">insulating himself</a> from the <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/Uhuru-sister-firm-listed-in-disadvantaged-group/1056-3434656-5st40t/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">controversies</a> that have rocked his government. His deputy, William Ruto has been the shock absorber that has taken the flak over <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/Ruto-fights-back-as-graft-fells-more-allies/1064-3095364-aavdffz/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">alleged links</a> to various corruption scandals and political machinations.
The fact that Kenyatta has not been directly linked to corruption made him appear more trustworthy. Even though he has been sluggish in acting on graft and inefficiency, some of the minor cabinet shake-ups he stimulated seemed to have paid off.
Examples include Joseph ole Lenku’s <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000143316/interior-cabinet-secretary-joseph-ole-lenku-fired-as-inspector-of-police-david-kimaiyo-resigns" target="_blank" rel="noopener">exit</a> as cabinet secretary for interior and the <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000183163/devolution-and-planning-cs-anne-waiguru-finally-bows-to-pressure-and-resigns" target="_blank" rel="noopener">resignation</a> of the former devolution cabinet secretary, Anne Waiguru, to pave way for corruption investigations.
These actions helped him retain his 2013 strongholds while giving the impression that he can also act tough.
On top of this, his loyalty to his deputy who has often been portrayed as the <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001230917/the-incredible-rise-of-dp-william-ruto" target="_blank" rel="noopener">corrupt villain</a>, enabled him retain a sizeable chunk of Ruto’s <a href="http://results.ke.nation.news/kenya/president.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">backyard</a> – the Rift Valley voting bloc.
After securing a comfortable win, Kenyatta is no longer a political hostage who is constrained by the appeasement of first term allies. Does this mean that he’ll develop a firm hand to tackle some of the issues that have dogged his government? If he does, he might just turn out to be the political pill that the doctor ordered for Kenyans.
<a href="http://www.forbesafrica.com/investment-guide/2016/10/01/kenya-crossroads-caps/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kenya At A Crossroads With Caps</a>
<h2>End of an era</h2>
Raila Odinga, Kenya’s veteran political stalwart, has a strong track record as a champion for political reforms, and is <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/raila-odinga-olitics-kenya/1056-3945030-3vnfthz/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">loved and disliked</a> in equal measure. This is the fourth time he has vied for the presidency and lost even though questions persist over the disputed <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/Raila-won-2007-elections--says-Macharia/1064-3506012-q12oic/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">2007</a> and <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/30/world/africa/voting-irregularities-in-kenya-election-are-confirmed.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">2013</a> election results.
Odinga lost the 2017 elections for two reasons. Some voters buckled under the weight of “Raila fatigue” and <a href="https://www.tuko.co.ke/157874-raila-odinga-supporters-are-tired-of-voting-for-him-wetangula-video.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">accompanying</a> <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2016/07/23/wetangula-rubbishes-railas-2017-election-bid_c1391000" target="_blank" rel="noopener">disillusionment</a>. Both can be partly attributed to the fact that he has lost at every shot he’s made at the presidency.
Odinga <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/Uhuru-woos-Raila-for-State-job-/1064-1849700-ysiy7b/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">missed the opportunity</a> to exit the political stage at the apex of his political calling.
Granted, several other issues worked against him such as a weak internal party democracy, allegations of corruption and a disorganised campaign machine. That said, he should now consolidate his legacy by nurturing other leaders who are passionate about social reforms.
For their part, the elections provide the Kenyan people with yet another opportunity to demand more accountability from the leaders they have voted into power. &#8211; Written by <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/yvonne-rowa-woods-347095" target="_blank" rel="author noopener">Yvonne Rowa Woods, </a>PhD Candidate in Politics and International Studies, University of Adelaide
Originally published in <a href="https://theconversation.com/africa" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Conversation</a>
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Kenya’s 2017 poll: palpable tension between progress and the status quo

After accepting his <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001237873/raila-odinga-it-is-nasa-unveils-flag-bearer" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">nomination</a> as the presidential candidate of the main opposition coalition recently, Raila Odinga <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2017/05/10/nasas-joshua-raila-prays-at-israels-wailing-wall-ahead-of-election_c1558553" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">likened himself to Joshua</a>, the biblical figure who led the Jews to the Promised Land.
Odinga was appealing to people disaffected with the performance of the Jubilee government. But he was also appealing to the religious sensibilities of the Kenyan electorate where Christianity has a strong presence.
Religion is omnipresent in Kenya. The line between religion and politics is often thin. This is well illustrated by the fact that gospel music serves as an important vehicle for political mobilisation. Most of the <a href="https://www.cnbcafrica.com/news/east-africa/2017/01/12/nasa-new-party-on-kenyan-political-scene/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">National Super Alliance’s</a> campaign rallies feature a rendering of the popular gospel song “Mambo yabadilika” (things are a-changing).
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ROY5KeXRkPA
Odinga, as well as President Uhuru Kenyatta who is seeking re-election under the Jubilee Party in the August 8 polls, have sought to endear themselves to the main religious communities. Kenyatta even had members of the Supreme Council of Kenya Muslims, the National Muslim Leaders Forum and the Jamia Mosque visit State House where they <a href="http://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2017/05/muslim-leaders-vow-rally-community-behind-president-kenyatta/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">pledged their support</a> for his re-election bid. Religion and politics are entwined, each to some extent complicit in the providential authority of the other.
Odinga and Kenyatta aren’t alone. In their quest for the votes of the religious constituencies, all political aspirants have sought to present themselves as people of faith.
But other equally important dynamics shape political relationships in Kenya. Religious symbols operate cheek by jowl with what political scientist Jean Francis Bayart has referred to as the <a href="http://spire.sciencespo.fr/hdl:/2441/9labe9r4se65i789685q56i9p/export/cv/Leguil-Bayart-Jean-Fran%C3%A7ois-resume.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">“politics of the belly”</a>. A third factor makes for an even headier mix – ethnic affiliations. Combined, these three factors distort democracy, and the way in which elections are run in the country.
<h2>Eating campaign money</h2>
On a recent visit to western Kenya during the party primaries I was struck by how voters’ actively sought cash handouts from politicians. And there is no shortage of candidates ready to offer money to the electorate as an inducement to vote for them. A young man who gave me a ride on his motorcycle taxi spoke with pride about his busy schedule these days – “eating campaign money” by night and working by day.
Elderly men and women were seated along village lanes looking out for election candidates who might offer them “something small.” They were open to offers from whichever politician turned up. The amounts they got ranged from around 100 shillings ($1) to 1,000 shillings ($10), often not enough even to feed a family for a day. But the money counts for a lot in the context of extreme poverty.
I also attended an election campaign rally in which a candidate presented what seemed to be a well-thought-out blueprint for the development of his local ward. At the conclusion of the presentation, one person in the audience broke the silence with a bold demand for more tangible results:
<blockquote>That is enough speech-making, can you now talk to us?</blockquote>
“Talking to us” was easily understood to mean that it was time to give cash gifts to seal the bond.
Demands like this are not unusual during election campaigns in Kenya. They have been a regular feature of elections as long as anyone can remember. One can only imagine what this year’s campaign will be like on the back of a severe drought that has <a href="http://af.reuters.com/article/investingNews/idAFKBN17U1Z3-OZABS" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">deepened inflation</a> and led to <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/newsplex/2017-kenya-drought/2718262-3872970-vniwqd/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">economic hardships</a>.
Building a democratic culture in the context of extreme hardships is a big challenge. As in many African countries undergoing democratic transitions amid conditions of high poverty, economic circumstances hinder or dissuade people from participation in the political process.
<h2>Politics of the belly</h2>
So what’s the relationship between religion and handouts? They interact and influence each other in myriad ways. Politicians distribute goods for the bellies of their clients in return for political loyalty. In this context, democracy as a competitive process in which citizens freely elect their leaders is thrown out of the window.
The Kenyan Muslim leaders’ assurances of support for Kenyatta needs to understood against this background. The leaders – hint, hint – expressed gratitude to the president for appointing the highest number of Cabinet secretaries and Principal Secretaries from the (Muslim) community.
A common pattern of religious accommodation in post-colonial East African states has been <a href="http://14.139.206.50:8080/jspui/bitstream/1/2400/1/Haynes,%20Jeffrey%20(ed.)%20-%20Routledge%20Handbook%20of%20Religion%20and%20Politics.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">documented</a>. Reflecting trends in Kenya, various religious groups have worked with governments and parties, irrespective of their political philosophies and ideologies.
It is also important to locate religion and politics in Africa within the broader context of ethnicity which has been sustained, and even strengthened, through the political distribution of goods and wealth.
The logic here is not based on universal ideas of human rights and citizenship but rather on networks of tribal patronage and clientelism. Politicians offer their ethnic clients certain material and symbolic gestures such as invocation of tribe, money, jobs in exchange for political support. It is an insecure means of organising support, admittedly, and one that is constantly at risk of corrupt indulgence in order to fund private benefit.
Thus <a href="http://africasacountry.com/2014/05/the-politics-of-the-belly/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Bayart’s politics-of-the-belly </a>casts a long shadow on the deployment of culture in African states. It demonstrates that religion has followed patterns established by the politics of ethnicity in which merit and common good does not matter.
The current campaign confirms these various forms of symbolic and symbiotic relationships within Kenyan politics. Religious services and rhetoric, money tokens and ethnicity are an integral part of the political system. They will likely again be the main influence in the coming election.
Kenya’s political elite has historically been formed in mission schools, mostly within their ethnic groups and subject to ethnic expectations. Thus it’s an elite formed by – and crippled by – ethnic pride. Religious actors have not escaped a similar elite formation. Thus Kenya’s children of God are rarely Kenyans at large. &#8211; Written by <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/joseph-wandera-338843" target="_blank" rel="author noopener noreferrer">Joseph Wandera</a>, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Religious Studies, St Paul&#8217;s University
This article was originally published on <a href="https://theconversation.com/africa" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">The Conversation</a>
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